Women and fraud: Results of a program at the Prison for Women
Although there is much literature on group programs for women in prison,(2) little is known
about the effect of such programs on recidivism. Most studies show differences in measures of
self-esteem, institutional behaviour, alienation, and trust in others before and after
treatment.(3) Only a handful of studies have followed their participants to determine effects
on recidivism. Of these, one failed to find differences between control and experimental groups,4 one
had a follow-up period of only 90 days,(5) and one used an inadequate measure of recidivism
(parole officers' estimates of recidivism over seven years).(6)
There are a few published reports of group programs for women convicted of shoplifting and theft.
These, however, are fraught with the same problems noted above: they show no treatment effectiveness,
use no objective measures, or have inadequate or no follow-up.(7) Finally, there is no
published literature on the treatment of fraud offenders.
The following is a brief report on a group program for female federal fraud offenders offered by the
Psychology Department at the Prison for Women. This report is based on findings from the first three
groups participating in the program, conducted between August 1991 and October 1992. Why a program
specific to fraud of tenders? The impetus for the program came in part from the women themselves, who
voiced concern that their needs were not being met by regular psychological services. Because most of
these women neither created institutional difficulties nor had much need for crisis intervention, few
received individual counselling.
In addition, group programs dealing with anger control, substance abuse, cognitive skills and
educational or vocational training, while designed to meet the needs of many women, are not appropriate
for most female fraud offenders, who are more likely to be educated, drug-free, socially skilled, stably
employed and of average to above-average intelligence.(8)
Nevertheless, these women pose a significant problem - their fraud is typically chronic and results in
multiple incarcerations. The costliest of property crimes, fraud is also the fastest growing offence in
Canada for both men and women. While receiving only 17% of all charges in Canada, women account for 27%
of all fraud charges.(9)
Given the unique needs of fraud offenders, their growing numbers and our limited resources, a
short-term group program was chosen as the most cost-effective intervention. The program According to
clinical assessments, female federal fraud offenders differ from other federally incarcerated women.
Using these clinical data, the Psychology Department at the Prison for Women developed a model of the
historic or familial development of chronic fraud, as well as the current functional relationships that
maintained the behaviour. The curriculum was based on the principles used in relapse-prevention programs
for people with addictions as well as on the tenets and process guidelines of feminist therapy. However,
the model of feminist therapy was expanded to incorporate the history of the participants because many
had not been abused by men, but virtually all had been abused by their mothers.
A more detailed description of the curriculum, model, homework assignments, group objectives and
related materials is available.(10) Program parameters Three groups were conducted at
approximately six-month intervals. In all, 19 women attended: 6 in the first group, 8 in the second, and
5 in the third. One woman did not complete the sessions because of an untimely transfer; thus 18 women
completed the program.
The program was initially designed as eight sessions but was expanded to nine for the first group.
Subsequent groups attended 10 sessions, each lasting two hours.
The women signed consent forms so that we could use pre- and post-test data for research. The women
were also informed that they would be contacted discreetly for follow-up information 6, 12 and 18 months
after the program was completed, but they could decline to participate in that phase. Program evaluation
We hypothesized that, as a result of the fraud group program, the women would improve their
assertiveness and self-efficacy. To assess this, we administered two psychometric measures before and
after the program. One was the Interpersonal Behavior Survey,11 which samples subclasses of assertive
behaviours. This survey is useful in outcome evaluation because it measures change. The second measure
was the Subjective Rating of Likelihood to Reoffend Scale, which samples participants' sense of
self-efficacy in avoiding reoffending. It is a single seven-point scale that participants use to rate
the likelihood of their reoffending.
To obtain family background and demographic information, we administered two measures before the first
session. One was the Parental Bonding Instrument,12 which measures parental care and overprotection in
childhood. We used this instrument to test our hypothesis that female fraud offenders would describe
their mothers as cold and overly concerned with appearances. The second measure was a Background
Information Questionnaire, which records demographic variables such as age, race, number of children,
number of offences, educational attainment and marital status.
Finally, after completing the program, women filled out a Program Evaluation Questionnaire, which rates
the program's curriculum and relevance, as well as the performance of the group leaders. General
findings The results from the three groups participating in the fraud program were mixed. While group
one showed reliable treatment gains, the two subsequent groups did not. When data on the measures of
assertiveness and likelihood to reoffend were combined across all three groups, however, treatment
effects were evident: women showed significant improvements in assertiveness and increased confidence in
their ability to avoid reoffending.
On the measure of parental bonding, participants rated their mothers as significantly more rejecting
and controlling than community norms for women.
On the Program Evaluation Questionnaire, women rated their satisfaction with, and the usefulness of,
the program as very high. Many women commented, however, that the program should be longer. Longitudinal
follow-up information The women were contacted at 6- and 12-month intervals after completing the
program. We collected information on reoffending and then compared the scores of women who reoffended
with those of women who did not. None of the preprogram, post-program or change measures discriminated
between recidivists and nonrecidivists at any point after release.
Although there are several possible explanations for this failure to show treatment-related reductions
in recidivism, three seem particularly plausible. First, 10 sessions is likely not intensive enough an
intervention for repeat federal offenders without follow-up sessions in the community.
Second, group one, which showed the greatest treatment gains, was the most homogeneous group: all of
the women had histories of fraud offences only. Some of the women in groups two and three, however, had
committed other offences as well to sustain a drug habit.
Third, the failure to find a treatment effect could have been due to the general nature of the measures
used. To explore the latter possibility in future research, we added a test before group three to assess
how well the women could apply the course content to their own offence patterns, identify their
individual high-risk situations, and think of alternatives to criminal behaviour. This knowledge
acquisition test is similar to those currently used in the evaluation of relapse-prevention
programs.
Unfortunately, we are presently unable to determine whether the recidivism rates for participants were
lower than reddivism rates for other female fraud offenders with similar chronic histories. If and when
recidivism data for female offenders become available by offence, the recidivism rates of women who
participated in the fraud program could be compared with those of similar women who did not.
The absence of reddivism data for female offenders presents a serious obstacle to an evaluation of any
group program for women in prison. It is likely, however, that this problem will be resolved by current
Canadian efforts to obtain these data, at both the federal and provincial levels.(13)
Conclusion The Women and Fraud program at the Prison For Women has generated new information about the
dynamics of women's fraud offending. The program was useful to the women themselves and an exciting step
forward in gathering knowledge about a specific subgroup of incarcerated women.