Does getting married reduce the likelihood of criminality?
Criminologists suggest that a child who grows up in a dysfunctional family may learn antisocial
behaviour, may not be taught how to control unacceptable behaviour and may not be supervised enough to
prevent association with antisocial peers. As a result, the child (in theory) becomes inadequately
socialized and unable to keep his or her behaviour within socially accepted boundaries.
Considering the importance of early family life, it seems logical that later family life might also be
associated with the likelihood of adult criminality. Popular belief suggests that marriage and
parenthood provide people with a
social investment in conforming to societal norms and,
therefore, act as informal behaviour controls. The role of husband/father or wife/mother are simply
viewed as incompatible with a criminal lifestyle.
Recent research has also indicated that people are more concerned about losing their family's respect
than about being arrested or imprisoned. It has been suggested, therefore, that family relations may
play a more significant role than criminal sanctions in deterring crime. This obviously has great
implications for correctional policy makers. If marriage and parenthood reduce the likelihood of
criminal offending, family supports may become the preferred strategy for attacking crime and recidivism
rates.
This article reviews the research literature that analyzes the possibility that marriage and/or
parenthood reduce the likelihood of criminality. The article looks at research on the impact of adult
family life on both the onset of criminal offending and subsequent criminality. Marriage and
criminality Early research in this area tried to determine the impact of marriage on criminality by
comparing groups of convicted offenders with non-offenders. Results were, however, inconsistent and
mixed.
For example, a 1977 study
(1) reported that early marriage did not produce a significant
reduction in subsequent criminality. In fact, offenders who were married before age 21 were
significantly more likely to have a conviction record.
The study did reveal, however, that delinquent fathers whose wives did not have a criminal record had
lower recidivism rates after marriage than similar fathers who married women with a criminal record.
Further, while marriage did not appear to reduce the likelihood of further criminal or delinquent
behaviour, it did reduce some of the habits commonly associated with delinquency (drinking, sexual
promiscuity and drug use).
Other studies were also unable to uncover a definite link between marriage or parenthood and the
likelihood of adult crime. For example, one study concluded that the degree of social integration
(including marital status) had only limited usefulness in predicting adult criminality, while another
found that although dropping out of school and unemployment were related to subsequent criminal
behaviour, marital status was not. Longitudinal research Few longitudinal (long-term) studies have
examined the impact of marriage or parenthood on criminal behaviour. Several studies have, however,
attempted to demonstrate that social bonds to adult institutions (including the family) determine
criminal behaviour over an individual's life.
For example, a 1982 study
(2) found that male offenders were more likely than non-offenders
to marry female offenders and it was speculated that the "restraining" effect of marriage would be
largely nullified in offender-offender marriages. It was concluded that marriage has a less frequent
(than expected) restraining effect on delinquents because of the tendency of male delinquents to marry
women who are also socially delinquent.
However, this and other longitudinal studies were unable to pinpoint a causal relationship between
marriage and criminality. Even where results suggested that marriage or parenthood might affect
criminality, the connection was ambiguous - marriage increases social stability, but men probably marry
as they enter more stable periods of their lives.
A 1989 longitudinal study
(3) therefore looked more specifically at the quality of
relationships. The study found that male offenders and non-offenders did not differ in the proportion
living with a woman. However, about twice as many of the offenders had been divorced or separated (at
least once) by age 32. Offenders were also much more likely (than non-offenders) not to get along with
their wife or companion and were significantly more likely to have struck their partner.
This suggests that marriage, in and of itself, does not intervene in a criminal lifestyle, but that the
ability to sustain marriage may predict abstinence from crime.
Along these ones, a 1990 study
(4) began to clarify how marriage might affect an individual's
propensity for criminality. Rather than using marital status, the researchers created an "attachment to
spouse" measure to gauge the quality of relationships and attitudes about marital responsibility and
family cohesion.
The study revealed that attachment to a spouse in young adulthood was associated with a significant and
substantial reduction in adult antisocial behaviour. This led to the conclusion that social bonds to
adult institutions exert a powerful influence on adult crime. Family life and recidivism A number of
studies have indicated that strong offender-family relationships are beneficial to offenders. This
general belief has been instrumental in the development of offender programming such as family visiting,
family counselling and early parole.
A 1954 study
(5) was one of the first attempts to substantiate this connection. The study
used an "index of family interest" to test whether offenders on conditional release with close family
ties were more successful than offenders without such ties. The study revealed that 75% of those
classified as maintaining "active" family interest while in prison were successful on conditional
release, compared with a 34% success rate for those characterized as "loners."
As well, a 1983 study
(6) found that offenders tend to become disenchanted with the criminal
lifestyles of their youth and develop a desire for fundamental life changes. More than 25% of the study
sample indicated that the establishment of a mutually satisfying relationship with a b woman was
critical to the change process. Stili, the study failed to clarify which came first, the move to
conformity or the establishment of family ties. What does it all mean? So far, no set of findings has
clearly confirmed that marriage and parenthood reduce the likelihood of criminality. Most studies have
found no significant differences in marital status between offender and non-offender groups.
Research
has found that offenders, while no less likely to be married (or in a significant
relationship) than non-offenders, are more likely to divorce or separate, to not get along with their
spouses and to be involved in violent relationships. This suggests that marriage and parenthood do not
act as transitional "life change" points. Rather, offenders appear to be attracted to more deviant
relationships and spouses just as they are to deviant behaviour.
Research examining the
quality of marital relationships has, however, uncovered an association
with criminality. Attachment to spouse was found to be associated with a decrease in the likelihood of
adult criminality. The maintenance of an active family interest while incarcerated and the establishment
of a mutually satisfying relationship after release were also associated with recidivism decreases.
What remains unclear is whether marriage and family life assist offenders and high-risk individuals in
making a transition to a more conventional lifestyle or whether, with age, offenders simply make the
shift to a conventional lifestyle and gain a greater appreciation for family life.
The research seems to suggest that the relationship may be reciprocal. A good marital relationship may
help an ex-offender remain crime free. However, an individual's drift back into a deviant lifestyle
tends to create friction within their marriage and reduces any support for a non-criminal lifestyle that
may have been available.
Clearly, much remains to be learned about whether adult family life can alter a criminal career and
buffer adults from criminogenic influences. But, while far from fully clarifying the causal relationship
between family life and criminality, the research suggests a link that may justify action to strengthen
families.
Adapted from K. N. Wright and K. E. Wright, "Does Getting Married Reduce the Likelihood
of Criminality? A Review of the Literature," Federal Probation, LVI, 3 (1992): 50-56
(1)B.J. Knight, S.G. Osbourne and D.J. West, "Early Marriage and Criminal Tendency in
Males," British Journal of Criminology, 17, 4 (1977): 348-360.
(2)D. J. West, Delinquency: Its Roots, Careers and Prospects (London: Heinemann,
1982).
(3)D. Farrington, "Later Adult Life Outcomes of Offenders and Non-offenders," Children at
Risk: Assessment, Longitudinal Research and Intervention, M. Brambring, F. Losel and H. Skowronek,
eds. (New York: Walter deGruyter, 1989): 220-244.
(4)R. J. Sampson and J. H. Laub, "Crime and Deviance Over the Life Course: The Salience of
Adult Social Bonds," American Sociological Review, 55 (1990): 609-627.
(5)L. Ohun, The Stability and Validity of Parole Experience Tables, Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1954.
(6)N. Shover, "The Later Stages of Ordinary Property Offender Careers," Social
Problems, 31, 2 (1983): 208-218.