Behavioural problems in the children of incarcerated parents
There were more than 948,000 individuals in U.S. state I and federal prisons at the end of
1993(2) and roughly 343,000 people housed in local jails as of 1988.(3) while the
average number of children per inmate is unknown, these figures suggest that millions of children have a
parent who either is, or has been, incarcerated.
Relatively little is known about the psychological reactions and behaviour of children of incarcerated
parents. Several researchers suggest that children may experience a wide variety of problems due to
separation from the parent, the stigma associated with incarceration and the deception that tends to
occur as to their parent's whereabouts and circumstances.
It has been further argued that antisocial behaviour in boys may follow directly from paternal
incarceration.4 It is clear that boys are overrepresented in mental health facilities and that boys are
more likely than girls to demonstrate aggressive and antisocial behaviour.(5) Men are also
more than 10 times as likely as women to be incarcerated.(6)
For these reasons and because most research into the effects of parental incarceration focuses on
incarcerated fathers, this article synthesizes the current knowledge and understanding of the
behavioural and emotional reactions of children during paternal incarceration, emphasizing the effects
on boys. Literature review One of the earliest research efforts in this area examined the effects of
incarceration on male inmates and their families in England.
(7) Overall, the behaviour of
about 20% of the children studied was felt to have deteriorated after their father's imprisonment.
Soon after, a California study focused on teachers' ratings of children whose father had been
incarcerated.
(8) The study revealed that children with an incarcerated father were rated
below average in various social and psychological areas more often than other children. However, the
study's control group was not comparable to the experimental group because the experimental group
contained significantly more Mexican-American children.
The next link in the chain was a 1966 descriptive report that examined the effects of deceiving
children about the imprisonment of their father.
(9) This report argued that disobedience,
temper tantrums and destructive or delinquent behaviour were often responses to this deception.
Other reports have since corroborated the harm caused by such deception.
(10) It has been
argued that this practice may make it impossible for children to work through their feelings about their
parent's incarceration.
(11)
A 1978 study assessed the changes that occurred in the families of 93 incarcerated Black
men.
(12) The social stigma of incarceration was generally found not to be a problem for these
families because they tended to view incarceration as the result of prejudice against minority
groups.
Still, approximately two thirds of the these inmates' wives thought the incarceration had negative
effects on the family.
An interesting 1981 research effort examined both male and female inmates' impressions of their
children's behavioural response to parental incarceration.
(13) Two thirds of these inmates
felt that their child(ren) developed behavioural problems after their incarceration. The incarcerated
men reported problems such as truancy, discipline and delinquency, while the women reported fearfulness,
poor school performance and nightmares.
Around the same time, another project focused on families of 192 Black male inmates in Alabama and
Tennessee.
(14) Imprisonment was found to have had little or slight effect on about one half
of the children, while having a major impact on about 30%. Further, approximately 11% of the children
were said to have been greatly upset by the stigmatizing remarks of other children in the community.
Finally, an examination of 118 first -time male Jewish offenders in Israel reported that, according to
their mothers, the majority of children's problems were school- or health related.
(15)
Relationships, discipline, aggressive behaviour and withdrawal also tended to be problem areas. The
mother and family's coping resources were viewed as crucial to responding to these difficulties.
It was also argued that the stigma of incarceration was particularly difficult to bear for children
whose father had been convicted of a white-collar crime or sexual offence because most of these families
had had no prior contact with the criminal justice system.
The studies noted thus far relied mostly on parental reports about their children's behavioural
reactions. Many of the children involved were quite young. Therefore, since boys of fathers with
criminal backgrounds are at high risk of juvenile delinquency and/or adult criminality,
(16) a
1977 clinical report examined the rapid emergence of antisocial behaviour in boys between the ages of 6
and 13 whose fathers had recently been incarcerated.
(17)
The study focused on six lower- and middle -class White Boston families. Of 24 children, 12 boys
displayed aggressive or antisocial behaviour within two months of their father's incarceration. Male
children between the ages of 11 and 13 seemed the most vulnerable to the effects of paternal separation,
although younger children sometimes displayed temporary separation anxiety.
Three of the six families were further disrupted by divorce, which was seemingly precipitated by the
incarceration, and the boys in these families caused many disturbances during the next two years. These
families, however, had histories of separations, marital discord and physical abuse.
The boys in the three families that remained intact were somewhat younger and did not display the same
degree of antisocial behaviour as the first group. They also seemed to do much better during the next
two years. It is not clear, however, whether this less severe response was related to the fact they were
younger when their father was incarcerated or to their less chaotic home environments.
The author subsequently studied other children whose parents were incarcerated, but his findings as to
antisocial behaviour were not as striking.
(18)
He did, however, find that inmates' wives generally saw their children as having become more disruptive
and aggressive and less obedient after their father's incarceration, while the incarcerated father
tended to characterize his children's problems as mild or non-existent. Major themes A number of major
themes have emerged from research into the impact of parental incarceration on children. First,
separation from a parent is likely to be traumatic, disrupt personal and family bonds, and worsen the
family's social and financial situation. Behavioural problems also tend to emerge in a sizeable minority
of children, with problems usually relating to family supports and coping mechanisms.
The stigma of incarceration is also an important problem for many children, although the level of
difficulty experienced may reflect the family's view of incarceration. It was argued, for example, that
some Black families feel that incarceration is often the result of social prejudice and does not,
therefore, reflect negatively on the incarcerated individual. Consequently, children within these
families may feel less stigma when a parent is incarcerated.
Children are also often deceived about incarceration. Some children are never told that their father
is, or has been, in prison. Such deception has been universally condemned by authors as harmful to
children and as perhaps the cause of behavioural difficulties.
It has also been found that most children do not commit severe antisocial behaviour at the time of
their parent's incarceration, although boys in their early teens may be at greater risk of conduct
problems. This type of behaviour appears more likely to emerge in existing dysfunctional family
situations.
Finally, it is important to note that maternal incarceration may place even greater burdens on children
if the children lose their primary caretaker (temporarily or permanently). The children of incarcerated
fathers typically continue to be cared for by their mother, but the children of incarcerated mothers are
rarely cared for by their father.
(19)
(1)The Children's Hospital, 1056 East 19th Avenue, Denver, Colorado 80218.
This article has been taken, with minor changes, from S. Gabel, "Behavioral Problems in Sons of
Incarcerated or Otherwise Absent Fathers: The Issue of Separation,"
Family Process, 31(1992):
303-314.
(2)"Prisoners in 1993,"
Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin (Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Justice, 1994).
(3)"Census of Local Jails: 1988,"
Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin (Washington
D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, 1990).
(4)W. H. Sack, "Children of Imprisoned Fathers,"
Psychiatry, 40 (1977): 163-174.
(5)S. Gabel and R. Shindledecker, "Aggressive Behavior in Youth: Characteristics, Outcome,
and Psychiatric Diagnoses,"
Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry,
30 (1991): 982-988.
(6)"Prisoners in 1993."
(7)P. Morris,
Prisoners and Their Families (New York: Hart, 1965).
(8)S. Friedman and T. C. Esseistyn, "The Adjustment of Children of Jail Inmates,"
Federal
Probation, 29 (1965): 55-59. 380-389.
(9)H. A. Wilmer, I. Marks and E. Pogue, "Group Treatment of Prisoners and Their Families,"
Mental Hygiene, 50 (1966): 380-389.
(10)M. C. Schwartz and I. Weintraub, "The Prisoner's Wife: A Study in Crisis,"
Federal
Probation, 38 (1974): 20-26.
(11)G. Hannon, D. Martin and M. Martin, "Incarceration in the Family: Adjustment to Change,"
Family Therapy, 11 (1984): 253-260.
(12)D. P. Schneller,
The Prisoner's Family: A Study of the Effect of Imprisonment on the
Families of Prisoners (San Francisco: R & E Research Associates, 1978).
(13)T. A. Fritsch and I. D. Burkhead, "Behavioral Reactions of Children to Parental Absence
due to Imprisonment,"
Family Relations, 30 (1981): 83-88.
(14)A. Swan, "Families of Black Prisoners,"
Survival and Progress (Boston: G. K.
Hill, 1981).
(15)A. Lowenstein, "Temporary Single Parenthood: The Case of Prisoners' Families,"
Family
Relations, 35 (1986): 79-85.
(16)D.P. Farrington, "The Family Backgrounds of Aggressive Youths,"
Aggression and
Antisocial Behaviour in Childhood and Adolescence (Book supplement to the
Journal of Child
Psychology and Psychiatry 1), L. A. Hersov, M. Berger and D. Shaffer, eds. (New York: Pergamon
Press, 1978): 73-93. See also S. Glueck and E. Glueck,
Unravelling Juvenile Delinquency (New
York: Commonwealth Fund, 1950). And see J. McCord, W. McCord and E. Thurber, "Some Effects of Paternal
Absence on Male Children,"
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 64 1962): 361-369. And see
L. N. Robins, P. A. West and B. L. Herjanic, "Arrests and Delinquency in Two Generations: A Study of
Black Urban Families and Their Children,
Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 16 (1975):
125-140.
(17)Sack, "Children of Imprisoned Fathers."
(18)W.H. Sack, J. Seidler and S. Thomas, "The Children of Imprisoned Parents: A Psychosocial
Exploration,"
American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 46 (1976): 618-628. See also W.H. Sack and J.
Seidler, "Should Children Visit Their Parents in Prison?"
Law and Human Behaviour, 2 (1978):
261-226.
(19)R.M. Glick and V. V. Neto,
National Study of Women's Correctional Programs
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, 1977).