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Lawrence A. Ellerby, Ph.D., and Paula MacPherson, M.Ed.
Forensic Behavioural Management Clinic
Native Clan Organization
January, 2002
The Native Clan Organizations Forensic Behavioral Management Clinic (FBMC) is located in Winnipeg, Manitoba and provides assessment and treatment services for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal individuals who have engaged in sexual offending behaviour. In an effort to profile and better understand the composition and characteristics of offenders who completed treatment at FBMC, an offender database was established. Variables were identified through a review of the literature and consultation with the clinical team at FBMC, which includes psychologists, social workers, Aboriginal spiritual helper/healers and community outreach workers.
The database includes 235 variables and encompasses a range of areas including general offender characteristics, Aboriginal offender specific characteristics, developmental history, criminal history, pattern of offending behaviour and participation in and response to treatment. The objective of identifying the characteristics of the men who participated in treatment at FBMC was to assist in guiding the programs evolution to better meet the needs of the men we assess and provide care for, as well as to access information that can contribute to the knowledge base in this field. A total of 303 closed treatment files were reviewed from 1987-1999.
Of the 303 sex offender cases reviewed, 40% of clients were Aboriginal(including North American Indian, Métis and Inuit) while 60% were non-Aboriginal. The indigenous people groups were collapsed into the Aboriginalcategory as the numbers of Métis (n = 21, 7%) and Inuit offenders (n = 1, 0.3%)were not sufficient to analyze in separate categories. This will be an importantarea for future investigation as it is unlikely sufficient to assume homogeneityacross these groups. Of the Aboriginal offenders in our sample the majorityspoke English as their first language. The most common Aboriginal firstlanguage among our client group was Cree. The majority of the Aboriginaloffenders in our sample were raised on reserve communities, however mostrelocated to urban centres. Only a very small percentage of the Aboriginaloffenders in our sample identified growing up learning/experiencing traditionalAboriginal culture, teachings and ceremonies as a part of their life.
There were some important differences between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders in the FBMC sample with regards to developmental andsocial histories. While both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men in our sampleexperienced difficult and traumatic experiences in their developmental years,such experiences were more pronounced among the Aboriginal men. Inexploring the mens formative years, the largest percentage of offenders reportedbeing raised by both of their parents. However, Aboriginal offenders were morelikely than non-Aboriginal offenders to have been raised by extended familymembers and to report the experience of parental separation or abandonment.Aboriginal offenders also were much more likely to have experienced the tragicloss of a family member through suicide and murder. Aboriginal offenders weremore likely to have family members who abused substances and who hadcriminal histories. They were also more likely to have had knowledge of, or tohave witnessed, domestic abuse and inappropriate sexual boundaries in thehome while growing up. Aboriginal offenders were more likely than non-Aboriginal offenders to have experienced neglect and sexual abuse. However,no differences were found between the two groups in regards to the experienceof physical and emotional abuse, which occurred with a high degree of frequencyfor both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders.A history of having abused substances (alcohol, drugs and solvents) was moredramatic among Aboriginal offenders. Aboriginal offenders were also moredisadvantaged in terms of their level of formal education and employment historythan were non-Aboriginal offenders.
There were no significant differences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginaloffenders with regard to the number of young offender or adult convictions theyincurred. However, Aboriginal offenders did self-disclose having committed moreviolent offences as a young offender, for which they were not charged, than didnon-Aboriginal offenders. They also reported having committed more violentoffences than charged for, as adults. Non-Aboriginal offenders demonstrated agreater tendency to report having committed sexual offences, as adults, for whichthey were not charged.
In regards to their sexual offending behaviour, Aboriginal sex offenders appearedmore likely to be perpetrators of rape than any other sex offence, while non-Aboriginal sex offenders appear more likely than Aboriginal offenders to beperpetrators of sexual offences against children, particularly incest.There were some interesting differences between the two groups in regards tothe characteristics and pattern of their offending behaviour. For example,Aboriginal offenders were more likely to offend against female victims whereasnon-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to victimize both males and females.Non-Aboriginal offenders were also more likely to offend against infant, prepubescentand pubescent age victims than were Aboriginal offenders. Therewere no significant differences between the two groups in regards to offendingagainst teen, adult or elderly victims, or in having victims of multiple ages.Aboriginal offenders were more likely to offend against Aboriginal victims, whilenon-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to offend against non-Aboriginalvictims. Non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely than Aboriginal offenders tohave victims of various ethnic backgrounds. There were few differencesbetween the two groups in regards to their relationship with/to their victim(s). Anotable difference was that non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to offendagainst victims with whom they held a non-familial role of trust and authority (forexample, religious leader, teacher, coach). A final interesting finding in regardsto differences in the victim profiles between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginaloffenders was that the victims of Aboriginal offenders were more likely to haveabused alcohol or both alcohol and drugs at the time of the offence then were thevictims of non-Aboriginal offenders.
No differences were found between the two groups in a host of cognitivedistortions that are often maintained to facilitate and support sexual offending.The only distortion in which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders differed wasthat Aboriginal offenders were more likely to endorse the belief that their offencewould not have occurred had they not been intoxicated.Differences were noted between the means of accessing victims betweenAboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. Aboriginal offenders were more likely toidentify their planning/grooming process as including giving their victims alcoholor drugs in order to facilitate offending. In contrast, non-Aboriginal offenderswere more likely to give their victims gifts and show them pornography. Non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to identify themselves as tricking ormanipulating the victim in order to gain sexual access.
While there were no differences between the two groups in regards to the use ofthreats during the commission of a sexual offence, Aboriginal offendersdemonstrated a significantly greater tendency to physically assault their victimduring the course of a sexual offence.
In exploring differences between the two groups related to inappropriate sexualinterests it was noted that non-Aboriginal offenders tended to demonstrate moresexually deviant interests. For example, non-Aboriginal offenders identified asignificantly higher level of sexual fantasy to images of their victims and toimages of sexual violence. They were also significantly more likely to masturbateto pictures of children. Additionally, non-Aboriginal offenders demonstrated asignificantly greater reporting of paraphilias related to exhibitionism, bondage andsexual sadism (such as, thoughts of and masturbation to images of a sexuallyrelated homicide). Interestingly, despite these noted differences, no significantdifferences were found in the sexual preference profiles of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal sexual offenders as determined through phallometric testing (aphysiological test evaluating sexual arousal profiles).In terms of response to treatment and treatment gains, as rated by the offendersprimary therapist, few differences were noted between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. Aboriginal offenders demonstrated a significantly greaterlevel of recall from pre to post treatment as it pertained to being able to regainspecific details of their offending which they initially indicated they could not recalldue to their level of alcohol or drug use at the time of the offence. No differenceswere found between the two groups in regards to gains in enhancing their level ofself-disclosure and accountability related to the frequency and duration of theiroffending behaviour; the level of intrusiveness of their offending behaviour or thelevel of force involved in their offending behaviour. No differences were foundbetween therapists ratings of the two groups in regards to gains in their level ofremorse and understanding of victim impact/empathy.
While treatment completion rates were higher for non-Aboriginal offenders priorto the advent of the FBMCs Blended Traditional Healing/ContemporaryTreatment program for Aboriginal sexual offenders, the difference in completionrates disappeared once culturally relevant and appropriate programming becameavailable. A high number of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenderscontinued to attend treatment at FBMC after the mandate to attend was nolonger in place (e.g., at the expiry date of their sentence). After theimplementation of the Blended group for Aboriginal offenders, the number ofAboriginal offenders who maintained their involvement with the clinic after theend of their mandate increased further. Finally, no significant differences werefound in the sexual recidivism rate of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders inthe FBMC program. However, both groups demonstrated a significantly lowerrecidivism rate than that of a matched comparison group of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders.
These findings suggest that while there are many similarities between theAboriginal and non-Aboriginal men who participated in sex offender treatment atthe FBMC between 1987-1999 there are differences between the two groups thatneed to be considered and attended to. These differences are relevant tooffender assessment, to the development and delivery of programming directedat reducing sexual recidivism and to our understanding of the dynamics of thesexual offending behaviour of these two groups.
There have been a number of individuals who have been instrumental in the development of the Forensic Behavioral Management Clinics (FBMC) databaseand the completion of this research project. I would like to acknowledge andthank Heather Cherewick, Marlow Gal and Paula MacPherson for thecontributions each have made in developing, setting up and refining thedatabase. I would also like to thank them for their efforts in the enormous task ofreviewing over a decades worth of files and inputting and analyzing the data.
I would also like to thank the FBMCs clinical team for their contribution inidentifying the variables of interest and for reviewing the data forms for theirclients to ensure accuracy of information. Thanks go to Jacqueline Bedard, ShirlChartrand, Bill Christian, Brenda Ellerby, Arthur Fourstarr, Lori Grant, PatriciaHarper, Ervin Hilts, Jaye Miles, Karina OBrien, Daniel Rothman, Don Smith, andTodd Smith.
I also would like to extend my sincere appreciation to Terry Nicholaichuck andDeqiang Gu for their feedback and assistance with some of the analysis.
This project would not have been possible without the encouragement andsupport of Correctional Service of Canadas Research Branch. Thanks go toLarry Motiuk, Roger Boe and Shelley Trevethan for their support.
Lawrence Ellerby
The Native Clan Organizations Forensic Behavioral Management Clinic (FBMC)has been providing assessment and treatment services for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal individuals in Manitoba who have engaged in sexual offendingbehaviour since 1987. Historically, the FBMC has primarily been a clinicalprogram and, like many treatment programs we did not have the time orresources to involve ourselves in research. We were however aware that ourtreatment files were a rich, untapped source of data that we needed to organizeand review. We believed that by establishing a database and analyzing variablesof interest that there was an excellent potential to gain insight and direction toevolve our assessment and treatment strategies as well as to offer a contributionto the knowledge base related to sexual offenders. This research report offersthe first glimpse into this effort and provides information on our closed treatmentfiles from 1987-1999.
This report specifically investigates the similarities and differences between theAboriginal and non-Aboriginal adult male sexual offenders who have participatedin institutional and community based treatment with the FBMC. In doing so, ourobjective is not to compare Aboriginal to non-Aboriginal offenders for comparisonsake or to hold one group up against another in judgement. Rather, it is ourhope that this examination will allow us to learn more about the profiles of themen who have participated in treatment at FBMC and guide the evolution of ourassessment and treatment approaches so we can better attend to and meet theneeds of our clients. Ultimately, identifying and understanding the similaritiesand differences among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders will enhance ourability to assist and support the offenders in treatment both manage their risk andfacilitate their ability to live their lives in a healthy, balanced, pro-social manner.
At this time the FBMC database questionnaire consists of 235 items, which arecompleted for each offender who receives treatment through FBMC (seeAppendix A for database questionnaire). The items include variables identifiedthrough a review of other sex offender treatment program databasequestionnaires, the research literature on sexual offenders and variables ofinterest identified by the treatment team, which includes psychologists, socialworkers, a phallometric technician, Aboriginal spiritual helpers/ healers (Naïvespiritual Elders, pipe-carriers, Aboriginal therapists) and the clinics communityoutreach workers. The database questionnaire taps into a range of areasincluding:
There is also a section, which pertains specifically to Aboriginal characteristics.
This section considers issues such as:
Data for each of the closed files was obtained by a review of the treatment filesincluding various reports (such as, Correctional Service of Canada reports,Provincial Corrections reports, Police reports and reports completed by FBMC),the treatment process notes included in the treatment files and testing materialon file (for example, various self-report measures, risk assessment, phallometrictesting). Additionally, the primary therapist for each offender reviewed thecompleted data sheets for accuracy of information. Although not an idealmethodological procedure, therapists were also asked to rate each of theoffenders who had been on their caseload in terms of a number of pre-posttreatment changes observed. This was done in an effort to gain somepreliminary information related to treatment change/outcome. In the future, amore methodologically sound protocol for collecting these data will beestablished.
The database consisted of 303 closed treatment cases of adult male sexualoffenders referred to the FBMC for institutional and/or community basedtreatment. The majority of these offenders were referred by the CorrectionalService of Canada, Penitentiaries and Parole (82%). The remaining 18% werereferred by a variety of sources including the Manitoba Department of Justice-Probation Services, Winnipeg Child and Family Services and the ProvincialDepartments of Mental Health and Family Services. Of the total sample 40%(n = 121) were Aboriginal and 60% (n = 182) were non-Aboriginal.
To better understand the backgrounds and histories of the men in our program,we were interested in learning about their family of origin and early childhooddevelopmental and social experiences. We view these as meaningful as theseexperiences shape lives and have likely contributed to the unhealthy coping anda state of imbalance that has been evident in the lives of the men in our program.In considering these experiences we investigated issues related to caregivers,separation and loss, exposure to dysfunctional styles of coping and inappropriateconduct on the part of adults responsible for their care (such as, crime,substance abuse, physical and sexual abuse, inappropriate sexual boundaries).We also looked at the mens own experience of victimization. Finally, weconsidered areas that may be reflective of the impact of these experiences onthe men. In this regard we investigated self-injurious behaviours, substanceabuse and the mens educational and employment histories.
| Offender | Mother & Father | Mother | Father | Extended Family | Non-Family Members | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 63 | 52.1 | 25 | 20.1 | 2 | 1.7 | 20 | 16.5 | 11 | 9.1 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 121 | 68.4 | 29 | 16.4 | 1 | 0.6 | 13 | 7.3 | 13 | 7.3 |
| Total | 184 | 61.7 | 54 | 18.1 | 3 | 1.0 | 33 | 11.1 | 24 | 0.8 |
In looking at who the primary childhood caregiver(s) were for the men it was interesting to note that the largest percentage of offenders (62%) were raised by both parents. In contrasting the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men, chi-square analyses indicated a significant difference between the offender groups with regard to the primary childhood caregiver (X2 = 15.477, p<.05). Aboriginal men were more likely than non-Aboriginal men to have extended family members as their primary childhood caregiver (17% versus 7%), while non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to have both their mother and father as the primary childhood caregiver (68% versus 52%).
| Offender | Mean |
|---|---|
| Aboriginal | 3.9 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 3.5 |
| Total | 3.7 |
We were interested in looking at the number of caregivers the men reported as ameans of trying to capture the occurrence of being raised by people other thanbiological parents, including being placed in care (such as, foster care, grouphomes). Overall, the mean total number of primary caregivers was 3.7 for alloffenders. T-tests showed no significant difference in the total mean number ofprimary caregivers between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men(t(286) = .871, ns). This suggests that although many of the men reported beingraised by their parents, they also appear to have had alternative caregivers at pointsduring their formative years.
| Offender | Separation / Abandonment | Parental Divorce | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Yes | Yes | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 82 | 68.9 | 56 | 49.6 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 92 | 52.0 | 65 | 37.6 |
| Total | 174 | 58.8 | 111 | 40.9 |
Perhaps consistent with the previous finding, a large percentage of all menreported having been parted from a parent due to separation or abandonment(59%). A smaller number, yet still a large percentage (41%), also reportedhaving experienced parental divorce. While the rates were high for both groups,Aboriginal offenders demonstrated a significantly greater experience ofseparation from or abandonment by parents (69% versus 52%) compared tonon-Aboriginal offenders (X2 = 8.418, p<.05). Aboriginal men also experiencedparental divorce significantly more often than non-Aboriginal men (50% versus38%; X2 = 4.023, p<.05). This is viewed as very important as clinically it is notuncommon for men in treatment to identify having developed feelings of angerand resentment, an uncaring attitude and coping strategies of being highlydefended, untrusting and acting out connected to childhood feelings ofabandonment and an absence of healthy attachments.
| Offender | Family Criminality | |
|---|---|---|
| n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 57 | 48.3 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 41 | 23.4 |
| Total | 98 | 33.4 |
There was a striking difference between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men intheir report of family members who had been involved in criminal behaviour.Aboriginal men demonstrated a significantly greater experience of having familymembers who had been involved in criminal behaviour (X2 = 19.583, p<.001)than non-Aboriginal men (48% versus 23%).
| Offender | Family Suicide | Family Homicide | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 19 | 16.7 | 15 | 12.9 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 10 | 5.7 | 6 | 3.4 |
| Total | 29 | 10.0 | 21 | 7.2 |
While overall the number of offenders experiencing a tragic family loss throughsuicide (10%) or murder (7%) is low, it is noteworthy that there were significantdifferences in the frequency of these experiences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men. Aboriginal men more frequently experienced a family membercommitting suicide (17% versus 6%; X2 = 9.276, p<.005) and losing a familymember through murder (13% versus 3%; X2 = 9.498, p<.005) than non-Aboriginal men.
| Offender | Physical Abuse | Sexual Abuse | Inappropriate Sexual Boundaries | Alcohol, Drug / Solvent Abuse | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 66 | 56.9 | 22 | 19.0 | 49 | 42.2 | 96 | 81.4 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 73 | 41.7 | 24 | 13.7 | 49 | 28.2 | 99 | 56.6 |
| Total | 139 | 47.8 | 26 | 16.8 | 98 | 33.8 | 195 | 66.6 |
In considering exposure to early trauma we were interested in investigating themens experience of witnessing or having knowledge of their parents engaging inabusive behaviours. This involved being aware of, or observing, destructivebehaviours their parents engaged in (for example, substance abuse) and otherforms of acting out behaviour perpetrated by parents against each other (suchas, domestic violence) or against others (such as, the offenders siblings). Whilemany of the men identified being aware of, or observing, abusive behaviours bytheir parents, Aboriginal men were more likely to report this knowledge orexperience. Aboriginal men reported a significantly greater knowledge of, orwitnessed physical abuse between parents as a minor (57% versus 42;X2 = 6.445, p<.05). They also reported a significantly greater awareness of theoccurrence of inappropriate sexual boundaries within the family growing up (42%versus 28%; X2 = 6.168, p<.05). No significant difference were found betweenthe two groups in regards to having knowledge of, or witnessing a parentengaging in sexual abuse against another family member (X2 = 1.445, ns).While a high percentage of all offenders reported being aware of, or observing,parental substance abuse (67%), there was a significant difference between theoffender groups (X2 = 19.449, p<.001) with Aboriginal men demonstrating asignificantly greater experience of parental substance abuse (81% versus 57%)compared to non-Aboriginal men.
| Offender | Physical | Sexual | Emotional | Neglect | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 80 | 69.0 | 77 | 65.3 | 80 | 68.4 | 60 | 51.3 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 109 | 61.9 | 92 | 51.7 | 107 | 60.5 | 33 | 18.6 |
| Total | 189 | 64.7 | 169 | 57.1 | 187 | 63.6 | 93 | 31.6 |
Overall, a large percentage of the men in our program reported experiencingchildhood victimization including physical abuse (65%), sexual abuse (57%),emotional abuse (64%) and neglect (32%). No significant differences were foundbetween the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men in regards to being subjected tophysical (X2 = 1.515, ns) or emotional abuse (X2 = 1.911, ns). However,Aboriginal men were significantly more likely to report having experiencedneglect (51% versus 19%; X2 = 34.696, p<.0001) and sexual abuse (65% versus52%; X2 = 5.333, p<.05). As can be seen, the incidence of sexual abuse washigh for both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men. In further exploring childhoodsexual abuse experiences, no significant differences were found between thegroups with regard to age of first abusive sexual experience (t(147) = -.579, ns).A significant difference (t(150) = 2.173, p<.05) was found between Aboriginal andnon-Aboriginal men with regard to mean number of sexual abuse perpetratorswith Aboriginal men having a mean of 2.91 sexual abuse perpetrators while non-Aboriginal men had a mean of 2.13 sexual abuse perpetrators.
| Offender | Immediate Family Member(s) | Extended Family Member(s) | Non-Biological Family Member(s) | Various Family Member(s) | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 9 | 15.8 | 23 | 40.4 | 6 | 10.5 | 9 | 15.8 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 25 | 32.1 | 15 | 19.2 | 8 | 10.3 | 10 | 12.8 |
| Total | 34 | 25.2 | 38 | 28.1 | 14 | 10.4 | 19 | 14.1 |
In considering the relationship of the sexual abuser to the men, we exploredfamilial and non-familial relationships. Chi-square analyses showed significantdifferences between the offender groups with regard to familial relationship ofsexual abuser(s) to the offender (X2 = 9.857, p<.05), however no significantdifferences were determined between the groups with regard to the offenderbeing sexually abused by a stranger(s) or friend/family friend. It appears thatAboriginal men were more likely to be abused by extended family members (40%versus 19%) while non-Aboriginal men were more likely to be offended againstby immediate family members (32% versus 16%). This may be related to whothe offenders primary caregivers were in their younger years (see Table 1).
| Offender | Immediate Family Member(s) | Extended Family Member(s) | Non-Biological Family Member(s) | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 6 | 5.0 | 23 | 19.0 | 34 | 28.1 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 10 | 5.5 | 42 | 23.3 | 37 | 20.6 |
| Total | 16 | 5.3 | 65 | 21.6 | 71 | 23.6 |
In exploring self-destructive attempts to cope with pain through self-injuriousthoughts and behaviours it was interesting to note that almost one-quarter of themen (24%) reported having experienced suicidal ideation, with a number of men(22%) having attempted suicide. Only a small percentage of men (5%) reportedhaving engaged in self-mutilation (for example, slashing-not related to suicidalgestures, burning). Chi-square analyses showed no significant differencesbetween the offender groups with regard to self-mutilation (X2 = .713, ns(p = .713)), suicide attempts or suicidal ideation with no attempts (X2 = 2.361, ns (p =.307)).
| Offender | Alcohol | Drug | Solvent | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 115 | 95.0 | 80 | 66.1 | 31 | 25.6 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 111 | 61.3 | 77 | 42.5 | 8 | 4.4 |
| Total | 226 | 74.8 | 157 | 52.0 | 39 | 12.9 |
It appears that many of the men attempted to cope through substance abuse,particularly alcohol (75%) and drug (52%) abuse. Chi-square analyses indicatesignificant differences between the two offender groups with regard to history ofalcohol, drug and solvent abuse respectively (X2 = 43.773, X2 = 16.147; andX2 = 28.98, all p <.0001). Aboriginal men demonstrated significantly greateralcohol (95% versus 61%, drug (66% versus 43%) and solvent (26% versus 4%)abuse than did non-Aboriginal men.
| Offender | <Grade 8 | Grade 8-11 | High School Diploma | GED | Trade School | University or College | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 45 | 37.2 | 66 | 54.5 | 5 | 4.1 | 1 | 0.8 | 3 | 2.5 | 1 | 0.8 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 24 | 13.3 | 93 | 51.7 | 31 | 17.2 | 5 | 2.8 | 11 | 6.1 | 16 | 8.9 |
| Total | 69 | 22.9 | 159 | 52.8 | 36 | 12.0 | 6 | 2 | 14 | 4.6 | 17 | 5.6 |
Education levels were explored and considered important in that a limited education may be reflective of difficult early life experiences, which may inhibiteither access or ability to maintain involvement in schooling. As well, a limitededucation could contribute to personal adjustment issues later in life and impactareas such as self-esteem, employment and financial stability. Overall, the menin our program had low levels of education with only a small number havingcompleted high school (12%), or having attended a trade school (5%) oruniversity (6%). A striking 23% reported having completed less than grade 8education. Chi-square analyses showed a significant difference between theoffender groups and education level (X2 = 40.207, p <.0001). Most notably,Aboriginal men appeared to have a lower level of education with more havingless than grade 8 (37% versus 13%) and fewer having completed a high schooldiploma (4% versus 17%). As well, Aboriginal men were less likely to haveattended a trade school (3% versus 6%) or university (1% versus 9%). Asignificant difference was also found between the offender groups with regard tohistory of school maladjustment with 49% of Aboriginal men reporting a history ofschool maladjustment whereas 28% of non-Aboriginal men reported such history(X2 = 13.522, p <.0001).
| Offender | No history | Sporadic employment | Stable Employment | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 31 | 25.6 | 67 | 55.4 | 23 | 19.0 | 121 | 100 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 12 | 6.7 | 92 | 51.1 | 76 | 42.2 | 180 | 100 |
| Total | 43 | 14.3 | 159 | 52.8 | 99 | 32.9 | 301 | 100 |
Employment history was also thought to be an important indicator that may be reflective of personal wellness, life opportunities, self-esteem and emotionalstability and financial security. Overall, the employment history of the men wasquite limited with only 33% having a stable employment history. Chi-squareanalyses showed a significant difference between the offender groups andemployment history (X2 = 30.526, p <.0001). Aboriginal men appeared moredisadvantaged in their employment history and were more likely to have nohistory of employment (26% versus 7%) whereas non-Aboriginal men appear tohave a more stable employment history (42% versus 19%). With this said, thisstill leaves a large percentage of (58%) of non-Aboriginal men who did not havea stable employment history.
| Offender | Employed Full- or Part-Time | Unemployed | Student | Retired/Disability | Total | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 40 | 33.1 | 76 | 62.8 | 3 | 2.5 | 2 | 1.7 | 121 | 100 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 113 | 62.8 | 57 | 31.7 | 6 | 3.3 | 4 | 2.2 | 180 | 100 |
| Total | 153 | 50.8 | 133 | 44.2 | 9 | 3.0 | 6 | 2 | 301 | 100 |
Employment status at the time of their current offence was also examined. Thisdoes not offer much insight into the relationship between employment andoffending as approximately one-half (51%) were employed and just under onehalf(44%) were unemployed. Consistent with the above finding related togeneral employment history, chi-square analyses showed a significant differencebetween the offender groups and employment status at time of offence(X2 = 28.751, p <.0001) with Aboriginal men being more likely to be unemployedthan non-Aboriginal men (63% versus 32%).
In exploring our client profiles we were interested in learning more about somespecific characteristics of the Aboriginal men who had participated in ourprogram. In this regard we were interested in issues such as racial identity,language, home communities and attendance at a residential school andexperiences in this environment. We were also interested in the mens exposureto traditional Aboriginal culture (such as, teachings, ceremonies) in theirformative years and what this might mean in terms of the relevance andimportance of culturally appropriate programming.
| Racial Identity | n | % |
|---|---|---|
| North American Indian | 99 | 32.7 |
| Métis | 21 | 6.9 |
| Inuit | 1 | 0.3 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 182 | 60.1 |
| Total | 303 | 100 |
The majority of clients treated through FBMC during the time frame of thedatabase were non-Aboriginal (60%), while Aboriginal persons made up 40% ofthe clientele. In further examining the Aboriginal category, most men were North American Indian (33%) with a smaller number of men identifying themselves as Métis (7%)and only one Inuit client (0.3%).
| Language | n | % |
|---|---|---|
| Cree | 26 | 22.8 |
| Ojibway | 13 | 11.4 |
| Seaulteaux | 7 | 6.1 |
| Dene | 4 | 3.5 |
| Inuktitut | 1 | 0.9 |
| Total | 63 | 55.2 |
(Not applicable) English speaking only 63 55.2Language is viewed as an important variable that must be considered in bothassessment and treatment programming. The ability to respond and participatein an assessment and to engage in, and benefit from, treatment is tied tolanguage and the ability to both comprehend concepts being addressed and tocommunicate relevant issues. Language is not simply an issue related togeneral comprehension but is also significant because of distinct differences inthe construction of Aboriginal languages compared to English.
The majority of Aboriginal men who participated in our program during the timeframe of the database spoke English only (55%) and did not possess a primaryAboriginal language. Of those who did speak a primary Aboriginal language, themajority spoke Cree (23%), followed by Ojibway (11%) and Seaultaux (6%).While it appears that programming delivered in English would not have been animpediment for many Aboriginal men, given that 45% of the men spoke anAboriginal language as their first language speaks to the importance of beingmore aware of and attending to language issues.
| Community | Reserve | Rural | Urban | Various | Total | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Of origin | 73 | 61.3 | 22 | 18.5 | 24 | 20.2 | - | - | 121 | 100 |
| Of residence at time of offence | 48 | 39.7 | 14 | 11.6 | 59 | 48.8 | - | - | 121 | 100 |
| Where offence occurred | 47 | 38.8 | 13 | 10.7 | 59 | 48.8 | 2 | 1.7 | 121 | 100 |
Looking at the location of the mens home communities was of interest. Inparticular, examining where these men grew up, where they resided at the timeof their offence and where their offences occurred. The community of origin forthe majority of Aboriginal offenders was a reserve community (61%). However,urban communities were the main community of residence at the time of offence(49%). The men tended to commit offences where they were residing at the timeof the offence rather than live in one location and offend in another. In thisregard 39% offended in reserve communities, where 40% resided; 11% offendedin rural communities, where 12% resided and 49% offended in urbancommunities where 49% resided.
| Sexually Abused | Physically Abused | Emotionally Abused | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % |
| 4 | 36.4 | 10 | 90.9 | 9 | 81.8 |
A very small number of the Aboriginal men in our program attended residentialschools (9%, n = 11), likely as the majority of men were too young to have beenin a residential school. Of the men who were placed in residential schools, themajority were physically (91%) and/or emotionally (82%) abused while inattendance and more than a third (36%) experienced sexual abuse within this setting.
| Traditional Upbringing | Non-Traditional Upbringing | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % |
| 19 | 15.5 | 102 | 84.5 |
The experience of a traditional upbringing was of interest in that it may speak toissues such as the impact of colonization, the degree of acculturation and theneed for, and role of, culturally relevant programming for Aboriginal men. Of the121 Aboriginal men in our sample, a small proportion (16%) were raised learningabout Aboriginal cultural and spiritual teachings and ceremonies. The majority ofmen (84%) were not exposed to this as part of their experience growing up. Thismight suggest that not all Aboriginal men will be comfortable with or find culturallyoriented programming relevant. It may also highlight the importance of this typeof programming as a means of providing men with an opportunity for exposure tothese important historical ways of life that were lost to them for various reasonsand that may be significant in defining a healthy identify.
In reviewing the backgrounds of the men and in exploring various forms ofdestructive styles of coping we were interested in looking at criminal behaviour.In particular we wanted to explore juvenile and adult histories of violent andsexual offending behaviour. In investigating criminal histories we consideredboth convictions recorded in the mens criminal records as well as self-reportinformation of offences committed that did not result in charges or convictions.Convictions as a young offenderOf the 303 offenders, 25% (n = 77) had convictions as a young offender. Ofthese 8% (n = 23) held convictions for violent offence(s) and 6% (n = 18) heldconvictions for sexual offence(s).
Of the 303 offenders, 25% (n = 77) had convictions as a young offender. Of these 8% (n = 23) held convictions for violent offence(s) and 6% (n = 18) held convictions for sexual offence(s).
| Offender | Mean Total # of Convictions | Mean Total # of Violent Offence Convictions | Mean Total # of Sexual Offence Convictions |
|---|---|---|---|
| n | n | n | |
| Aboriginal | 4.2857 | 1.6667 | 1.1667 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 3.2286 | 1.2500 | 1.0833 |
No differences were found between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men inregards to their juvenile offending histories. Chi-square analyses demonstratedno significant difference between the offender groups with regard to total numberof convictions (X2 = 11.076, ns), violent offence conviction (X2 = 1.477, ns), orsexual offence convictions (X2 = .281, ns) as a young offender. Independentsample t-tests indicated no significant differences between offender groups forthe mean total number of sexual offence convictions (t(16) = .504, ns), mean totalnumber for violent offence convictions (t(21) = .480, ns) or for mean total numberof convictions (t(75) = 1.016, ns) as a young offender.
| Frequency | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sexual Offences | Violent Offences | Sexual Offences | Violent Offences | |||||
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| 0 | 85 | 71.4 | 38 | 31.9 | 121 | 67.2 | 110 | 61.5 |
| 1-2 | 18 | 15.1 | 17 | 14.3 | 26 | 14.4 | 16 | 8.9 |
| 3-5 | 7 | 5.9 | 24 | 20.2 | 20 | 11.1 | 29 | 16.2 |
| 6-9 | 2 | 1.7 | 0 | 0.0 | 2 | 1.1 | 3 | 1.7 |
| 10+ | 6 | 5.0 | 40 | 33.6 | 9 | 5.0 | 21 | 11.7 |
The only differences evident between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men in theirself-disclosed histories of juvenile offending behaviour was that the Aboriginalmen disclosed committing a higher number of violent offences as youth, whichthey were never charged for (X2 = 33.734, p <.001.). While 62% of non-Aboriginal men indicated that they had never committed a violent offences forwhich they were not charged, only 32% of the Aboriginal men reported similarly.No significant difference was found between the offender groups with regard tofrequency of self-disclosed sexual offences as a young offender (X2 = 2.602, ns).Independent sample t-tests indicated no significant difference between offendergroups for the mean total number of self-disclosed violent (t(148) = 1.808, ns) orsexual offences (t(88) = -.066, ns).
| Offender | Mean Total # of Convictions | Mean Total # of Violent Offence Convictions | Mean Total # of Sexual Offence Convictions |
|---|---|---|---|
| n | n | n | |
| Aboriginal | 9.1858 | 3.0278 | 2.0982 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 7.8373 | 2.6885 | 2.6524 |
As with juvenile criminal histories, no differences were found between theAboriginal and non-Aboriginal men in their adult criminal histories with regard tototal number of convictions (X2 = 39.119, ns), violent offence convictions(X2 = 12.052, ns), or sexual offence convictions (X2 = 7.798, ns). Independentsample t-tests indicated no significant differences between offender groups forthe mean total number of sexual offence convictions (t(274) = -1.874, ns), meantotal number for violent offence convictions (t(131) = .734, ns) or for mean totalnumber of convictions (t(277) = 1.165, ns) as an adult.
| Frequency | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sexual Offences | Violent Offences | Sexual Offences | Violent Offences | |||||
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| 0 | 81 | 68.6 | 28 | 23.7 | 98 | 54.1 | 77 | 42.5 |
| 1-2 | 20 | 16.9 | 10 | 8.5 | 34 | 18.8 | 19 | 10.5 |
| 3-5 | 9 | 7.6 | 16 | 13.6 | 18 | 9.9 | 31 | 17.1 |
| 6-9 | 1 | 0.8 | 5 | 4.2 | 4 | 2.2 | 9 | 5.0 |
| 10+ | 6 | 5.1 | 59 | 50.0 | 26 | 14.4 | 45 | 24.9 |
In terms of self-disclosed offending behaviour as adults, the Aboriginal mendisclosed a greater frequency of engaging in violent offences for which they werenever charged (X2 = 21.139, p <.0001) compared to the non-Aboriginal men.The non-Aboriginal men however disclosed committing significantly more sexualoffences that they were never charged with than the Aboriginal men (X2 = 9.701,p <.05). Independent sample t-tests illustrated significant differences betweenthe offender groups with regard to self-disclosed violent offences (t(297) = 4.533,p <.0001) with Aboriginal men disclosing more. A significant difference was alsofound between the groups with regard to self-disclosure of sexual offences(t(295) = -3.332, p <.05.) with Aboriginal men disclosing less. As examples ofthis, fewer non-Aboriginal men reported not having committed a sexual offencefor which they were never charged or convicted of (54% versus 69%). As well agreater number of the non-Aboriginal men identified having committed 10 ormore sexual offences which had never been detected (14% versus 5%).
| Offender | Yes | No | Suspected Involvement | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 10 | 8.3 | 108 | 89.3 | 3 | 2.5 | 121 | 100 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 7 | 3.8 | 175 | 96.2 | 0 | 0.0 | 182 | 100 |
| Total | 17 | 5.6 | 283 | 93.4 | 3 | 0.9 | 303 | 100 |
Although there was limited information available related to gang involvement,given the increasing attention to problems associated with gangs, gang affiliationwas investigated. Gang affiliation is worth noting amongst this offenderpopulation as a potentially dangerous dilemma emerges for gang members whohave committed a sexual offence. These individuals become at risk from theirgang (both while incarcerated and/or in the community) due to the abhorrence inthe criminal sub-culture for sexual offenders. Chi-square analyses demonstrateda significant difference between the offender groups with regard to gangaffiliation (X2 = 7.411, p<.05). While the numbers are quite small, moreAboriginal offenders appeared to be affiliated with gangs than non-Aboriginalsexual offenders (8% versus 4%).
| Offender | Incest | Child Molester | Pedophile | Rapist | Rapist/Pedophile | Hands Off | Adult Fondler/Hands On | Sexual Murder | Total | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 26 | 21.5 | 9 | 7.4 | 17 | 14.0 | 57 | 47.1 | 10 | 8.3 | 1 | 0.8 | 1 | 0.8 | 0 | 0.0 | 121 | 100 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 55 | 30.2 | 20 | 11.0 | 36 | 19.6 | 46 | 25.3 | 15 | 8.2 | 5 | 2.7 | 4 | 2.2 | 1 | 0.5 | 182 | 100 |
| Total | 81 | 26.7 | 29 | 9.6 | 53 | 17.5 | 103 | 34.0 | 25 | 8.3 | 6 | 2.0 | 5 | 1.7 | 1 | 0.3 | 303 | 100 |
The two offender groups were compared to see if there were any differences inthe type of sexual offences committed by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal sexualoffenders. Chi-square analyses demonstrated a significant difference betweenthe offender groups with regard to nature of offence (X2 = 17.434, p <.05).Aboriginal sexual offenders appear to be more likely to be perpetrators of rape(47%) than any other sex offence while non-Aboriginal sexual offenders appearmore likely to be perpetrators of incest (30%). Non-Aboriginal offenders alsoappeared to be more involved in sexual offences against children than Aboriginaloffenders (61% versus 43%).
In identifying client profiles we were very interested in investigating patterns ofoffending and potential similarities and differences that may be evident betweenthe offending dynamics of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. In exploringthis we focused on examining a number of areas including: victim characteristics(for example, gender, age, ethnicity, relationship to offender and victims use ofsubstances at the time of the offence), the cognitive distortions maintained by themen to assist them engage in offending (such as, minimizations,rationalizations/justifications and projecting responsibility) and looking at the rolesof offence planning and grooming (manipulation to gain access to victims),coercion, and finally, deviant sexual interests and arousal.
| Offender | Male | Female | Both male & female | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 3 | 2.5 | 109 | 90.1 | 9 | 7.4 | 121 | 100.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 8 | 4.4 | 133 | 73.1 | 41 | 22.5 | 182 | 100.0 |
| Total | 11 | 3.6 | 242 | 79.9 | 50 | 16.5 | 303 | 100.0 |
A gender difference was noted in the victim selection of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders with Aboriginal offenders being significantly more likely toselect female victims compared to non-Aboriginal offenders (X2 = 13.395,p <.005). However, it is clear that both offender groups most often offendedagainst females (Aboriginal 90%, non-Aboriginal 73%). Non-Aboriginal sexoffenders were more likely than Aboriginal sex offenders to victimize both malesand females than (23% versus 7%).
| Offender | Infant (birth-5 yrs) | Pre-Pubescent (6-9 yrs) | Pubescent (10-13 yrs) | Teen (14 -17 yrs) | Adult (18+) | Elderly (65+) | Multiple Ages | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 21 | 17.4 | 37 | 30.6 | 35 | 28.9 | 39 | 32.2 | 59 | 48.8 | 4 | 3.3 | 70 | 57.9 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 48 | 26.2 | 87 | 45.9 | 81 | 44.3 | 61 | 33.3 | 75 | 41.0 | 7 | 3.8 | 119 | 65.0 |
| Total | 69 | 22.7 | 121 | 39.8 | 116 | 38.2 | 100 | 32.9 | 134 | 44.1 | 11 | 3.6 | 189 | 62.2 |
As previously noted, non-Aboriginal offenders were found to offend morefrequently against child victims than Aboriginal offenders. Chi-square analysesdemonstrated a significant difference between the offender groups with regard toage of victim(s) (X2 = 3.269, p <.05, X2 = 7.138, p <.005, X2 = 7.260, p <.05, forinfant, pre-pubescent and pubescent victims respectively). Non-Aboriginaloffenders were more likely to offend against each of these age groups than wereAboriginal offenders. No significant differences were found between the offendergroups with regard to teen, adult, elderly or victims of multiple ages.
| Offender | Caucasian | Aboriginal | Various Backgrounds | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 9 | 7.8 | 92 | 79.3 | 14 | 12.1 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 90 | 51.1 | 7 | 4.0 | 79 | 44.9 |
| Total | 99 | 33.9 | 99 | 33.9 | 93 | 31.8 |
The two offender groups were found to significantly differ in terms of the ethnicityof victims selected (X2 = 182.243, p <.0001). Offenders most frequently offendedagainst victims of the same ethnicity as themselves. This was particularly true ofthe Aboriginal sex offenders who offended against Aboriginal victims 79% of thetime. While non-Aboriginal sex offenders were also most likely to victimize non-Aboriginal victims (51% of the time), they were much more likely than Aboriginalsex offenders to offend against victims of various ethnic backgrounds (49% versus 12%).
| Offender | Immediate Family Member(s) | Extended Family Member(s) | Non-Biological Family Member(s) | Various Family Member(s) | Not Family Member(s) | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 35 | 40.7 | 15 | 17.4 | 3 | 3.5 | 13 | 15.1 | 20 | 23.3 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 68 | 50.4 | 19 | 14.1 | 2 | 1.5 | 29 | 21.5 | 17 | 12.6 |
| Total | 103 | 46.6 | 34 | 15.4 | 5 | 2.3 | 42 | 19 | 27 | 16.7 |
Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders frequently offended against victimswho were family members (64%), be they immediate family, extended family ornon-biological family members (such as, stepchildren). Most often however(47%) the victim(s) was an immediate family member. No significant differenceswere found between the offender groups with regard to the type of familialrelationships they had with their victim(s) (X2 = 7.065, ns).
| Offender | Family Friend(s) | Non-Familial Position of Trust & Authority | Friend(s)/Acquaintance(s) | Stranger(s) | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 15 | 12.4 | 3 | 2.5 | 62 | 51.2 | 22 | 18.2 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 31 | 16.9 | 16 | 8.7 | 75 | 41.0 | 51 | 27.9 |
| Total | 46 | 15.1 | 19 | 6.3 | 137 | 45.1 | 73 | 24.0 |
Of the victims who were not family members, friends/acquaintances (45%) andstrangers (24%) were the most common victims. Chi-square analysesdemonstrated no significant difference between the offender groups with regardto their relationships to the victim(s) with the exception of the category nonfamilialposition of trust and authority (X2 = 4.877, p <,05). This category isrelated to situations were the offender is in a position of having a level of trustand authority over the victim (for example, a physician, religious leader, teacher,coach). Non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely than Aboriginal offenders tooffend against victims whom they were in a position of authority over.
| Offender | Yes | No | Total | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 60 | 50.8 | 58 | 49.2 | 118 | 100.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 114 | 63.7 | 65 | 36.3 | 179 | 100.0 |
| Total | 174 | 58.6 | 123 | 41.4 | 297 | 100.0 |
Interestingly many of the offenders (59%) had victims of various relationships tothem rather than selecting victims from one particular relationship category, forexample, offending only against immediate family members. Non-Aboriginaloffenders however demonstrated a greater tendency to have a broader range ofoffending (for example, having victims including a family member and a family friend),(X2 = 4.832, p <.05 , 64% versus 51%).
| Offender | Abuse of alcohol | Abuse of Drugs | Abuse of alcohol & drugs | No substance abuse | Total | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 46 | 38.0 | 1 | 0.8 | 11 | 9.1 | 63 | 52.1 | 121 | 100.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 25 | 13.7 | 1 | 0.5 | 15 | 8.2 | 141 | 77.5 | 182 | 100.0 |
| Total | 71 | 23.4 | 2 | 0.7 | 26 | 8.6 | 204 | 67.3 | 303 | 100.0 |
In comparing Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders there was a significantdifference between the offender groups with regard to victims substance abuseat the time of the offence (X2 = 25.399, p <.0001). Victims of Aboriginal sexoffenders were more likely to have abused alcohol (38% versus 14%) at the timeof the offence than were victims of non-Aboriginal sex offenders. Victims of non-Aboriginal sex offenders were more likely to have no substance abuse at the timeof the offence (78% versus 52%). The fact that the victims of Aboriginaloffenders, who were most often adult Aboriginal women (see Tables 25, 26 and27) should in no way be read or interpreted to place any level of responsibility onthese victims. Rather, as will be reported in the planning and grooming section,this is more likely a reflection of Aboriginal offenders either taking advantage of avictims state of intoxication or facilitating this state in order to commit andoffence.
Cognitive distortions are distorted perceptions or beliefs that sexual offenderstypically maintain to minimize the seriousness of their offending behaviour andtheir culpability, to rationalize and justify their behaviour and to projectresponsibility on to others, most often their victims. These distortions facilitatethe process of engaging in and continuing to commit sexual offences in the faceof knowing that their behaviour is inappropriate and harmful. We were interestedin investigating if Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal sexual offendersutilized/maintained the same types of distortions. To explore this we comparedthe men in our sample on a number of distortions common among sexualoffenders. Table 32 represents the mens endorsement of these distortions priorto sex offender treatment. Pre-treatment perceptions were focused on as one ofthe goals of treatment is to assist men enhance their level of accountability anddisclosure related to their sexual offending behaviours. In part, this typicallyinvolves challenging the reality of these distorted beliefs by assisting the men toface the more accurate reality of their offending.
| Cognitive Distortion | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | |
| Victim consented | 76 | 62.8 | 114 | 63.0 |
| Offender was providing sex education | 8 | 6.7 | 34 | 18.4 |
| Offender blames the victim | 76 | 62.8 | 107 | 58.5 |
| Offender believes the victim enjoyed it | 38 | 31.7 | 76 | 41.8 |
| Offender believes the victim did not get hurt physically or emotionally it | 45 | 37.5 | 88 | 48.4 |
| Offender believes it would not have happened if offender were not drunk or high | 66 | 62.3 | 40 | 22.0 |
| Offender is the real victim | 63 | 52.5 | 103 | 56.6 |
Overall, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders did not differ in the types ofcognitive distortions they endorsed. Chi-square analyses demonstrated nosignificant difference between the offender groups with regard to their pretreatmentperceptions that their victim(s) were consenting (X2 = .001, ns), thattheir victim(s) enjoyed the sexual contact (X2 = 3.134, ns), that their victim(s)were to blame for the sexual contact occurring (X2 = .414, ns) and in believingthat their victim(s) were not harmed as a result of the offending (X2 = 3.456, ns).There were also no differences between the two groups in endorsing thedistortions that the sexual behaviour occurred in the context of providing sexeducation (X2 = 8.719, p <.005, usually in relation to child victims) or in believingthat they were the real victims as a result of the disclosure of sexual abuse(X2 = .390, ns). Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders (63% each)frequently tended to initially indicate that their victims were consenting. Bothoffender groups also often initially blamed the victim (Aboriginal 63%, non-Aboriginal 59%) and saw themselves as the real victims (Aboriginal 53%, non-Aboriginal 57%) in their situation.
There was one specific distortion in which there was a significant differencebetween Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. Aboriginal offenders morefrequently endorsed the belief that their offence would not have happened hadthey not been drunk or high (X2 = 34.618, p =.000, 62% versus 22%). Thisdifference is understandable given that alcohol was more often a significantfactor in the offences committed by Aboriginal offenders (see Table 33).
Sexual offending behaviour rarely takes place without forethought and planningalthough offenders often initially assert that it "just happened". Planning can bevery well thought out and calculated in nature or it can be may be morespontaneous and opportunistic. In either case there is still thought or planningthat occurs. In some cases the planning is referred to as grooming. This is agradual process, typically used to access child victims, where the offender engages in various behaviours to develop trust, comfort and erode boundaries.In developing client profiles we were interested to see what similarities ordifferences might be evident in the manner in which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal sexual offenders plan manipulations to access victims and facilitateoffending.
| Offender | Alcohol or Drugs | Gifts | Shown Pornographic Material | Victim Tricked or Manipulated | Others Tricked or Manipulated | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 39 | 32.5 | 30 | 25.0 | 6 | 5.0 | 111 | 92.5 | 89 | 74.2 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 31 | 17.0 | 77 | 42.3 | 27 | 14.8 | 178 | 97.8 | 151 | 82.5 |
| Total | 70 | 23.2 | 107 | 35.4 | 33 | 10.9 | 289 | 95.7 | 240 | 79.2 |
There were some interesting differences in the ways in which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders tended to gain access to victims. While these disparateforms of accessing victims are likely largely associated to victim selection, it issuggested that they may also highlight and speak to differences in patterns ofoffending as well as in factors related to motivation and offence precursors.
Aboriginal offenders were significantly more likely to give their victims alcohol ordrugs at the time of the offence in order to gain compliance or access tooffending (X2 = 9.716, p <.005) than were non-Aboriginal offenders (33% versus17%). This is consistent with the earlier finding that the victims of Aboriginaloffenders were more likely to have abused substances at the time of the offence(see Table 31).
Non-Aboriginal offenders, on the other hand, were more likely to engage ingrooming type behaviours. This is consistent with earlier findings that non-Aboriginal offenders tend to offend more frequently against children (see Tables24 and 26). The non-Aboriginal offenders were significantly more likely to givetheir victims gifts as part of a grooming process to establish trust and closeness(X2 = 9.469, p <.005) compared to Aboriginal sexual offenders (42% versus25%). Non-Aboriginal offenders were also significantly more likely to show theirvictims pornographic material as a means of eroding boundaries, sexualizing andillustrating the sexual acts they are wanting to engage in (X2 = 7.187, p <.05)than were Aboriginal offenders (15% versus 5%). While the vast majority ofoffenders, acknowledged some level of planning through tricking or manipulatingtheir victim(s) post-treatment (Aboriginal 93%, non-Aboriginal 98%), chi-squareanalysis demonstrated a significant difference between the offender groups withregard to tricking or manipulating their victims with non-Aboriginal sex offendersreporting a greater likelihood of carrying out these behaviours(X2 = 4.935, p <.05).
While coercion is always a part of any form of sexual assault, we were interestedin specifically looking at the role of threats to the victim and the presence of aphysical assault of the victim in combination with the sexual assault. This was ofinterest in an effort to better understand ways in which offenders gain access totheir victims through intimidation and to see other ways in whichanger/aggression is acted out during a sexual assault. In considering issues ofcoercion we were interested in the similarities or difference between Aboriginaland non-Aboriginal offenders related to the use of threats and violence in theiroffending as well as how the type of offence may be related to the use of threats,force and violence.
| Offender | Verbally Threatened Victim | Physically Assaulted Victim | Threatened Victim With a Weapon | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 92 | 76.0 | 65 | 53.7 | 21 | 17.4 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 131 | 72.0 | 70 | 38.5 | 38 | 20.9 |
| Total | 223 | 73.6 | 135 | 44.6 | 59 | 19.5 |
The majority of offenders (74%) acknowledged having verbally threatened theirvictims during the commission of their sexual offending. No significantdifferences were found between the offender groups with regard to verbal threats(X2 = 0.615, ns) with both groups frequently threatening their victims (Aboriginal76%, non-Aboriginal 72%). Threatening a victim with a weapon was lesscommon but still noteworthy with 20% of offenders engaging in this behaviour.Again, there were no significant differences between the offender groups withregard to threatening their victims with a weapon (X2 = .576, ns; Aboriginal 17%,non-Aboriginal 21%).
A significant difference was found between the offender groups with regard tovictims being assaulted physically during the commission of the sexual assault(X2 = 8.713, p <.05). Aboriginal offenders were more likely to physically assaulttheir victims than were non-Aboriginal offenders (54% versus 39%).
| Offender | Verbally Threatened Victim | Physically Assaulted Victim | Threatened Victim With a Offender Weapon | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | |||||||
| Nature of Offence | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % |
| Incest | 18 | 14.9 | 34 | 18.7 | 9 | 7.4 | 7 | 3.8 | 2 | 1.7 | 4 | 2.2 |
| Child Molester | 5 | 4.1 | 12 | 6.6 | 2 | 1.7 | 2 | 1.1 | 2 | 1.7 | 2 | 1.1 |
| Pedophile | 10 | 8.3 | 23 | 12.6 | 3 | 2.5 | 7 | 3.8 | 1 | 0.8 | 2 | 1.1 |
| Rapist | 50 | 41.3 | 40 | 22.0 | 45 | 37.2 | 40 | 22.0 | 13 | 10.7 | 22 | 12.1 |
| Rapist/Pedophile | 8 | 6.6 | 15 | 8.2 | 5 | 4.1 | 11 | 6.0 | 3 | 2.5 | 5 | 2.7 |
| Hands Off | 0 | 0.0 | 4 | 2.2 | 0 | 0.0 | 0 | 0.0 | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 |
| Adult Fondler/Hands On | 1 | 0.8 | 2 | 1.1 | 1 | 0.8 | 2 | 1.1 | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 |
| Sexual Murder | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.8 | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 |
In considering threats and violence by the type of offender/offence it was notsurprising to find that rapists were significantly more likely to verbally threatentheir victim(s) (X2 = 25.941, p <.005), to physically assault their victim(s)(X2 = 118.086, p <.005) and to threatening their victim(s) with a weapon(X2 = 35.059, p <.005) than other types of offenders. Given that Aboriginaloffenders were most often identified as fitting into the rapist offence category(see Table 24), these findings illustrate why Aboriginal sex offenders were foundto more frequently physically assaulted their victims (see Table 34).
While there are a number of different needs met, in distorted and deleteriousways, through sexual offending behaviour (such as, a sense ofadequacy/competency, displaced anger, power and control, revenge) as theseare achieved through a sexual means it is important to look at the role of sexualinterests and arousal among sexual offenders. The role that sexual gratificationplays as a primary contributing factor in the commission of a sexual offencevaries. In some cases it may be a lower priority, for example in the case of arapist who offends primarily based on anger and control needs. In others it maybe the main priority, for example in the case of a pedophile whose primarymotivation and interest is sexual gratification. Given that the offender isattempting to meet these various needs, emotional and/or sexual, through thecommission of a sexual crime we were interested in exploring the experience ofsexual interest and arousal among our clients. In this regard we investigatedwhat we believed were some key areas and compared and contrasted theexperiences of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. These included the useof and response to pornography, the existence of paraphilias or atypical sexualinterests, the experience of inappropriate sexual fantasies related to offendingbehaviour and the experience of sexual arousal to deviant cues (such as,children, sexual violence) as measured through sexual preference testing.
| Pornography | Offender | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Use of Pornographic Material | 102 | 85.7 | 144 | 79.1 |
| Sexual Arousal While Watching Violence or Rape on TV/Movie/Internet |
28 | 23.5 | 38 | 20.8 |
| Sexual Arousal While Watching Children on TV/Movie/Internet |
12 | 10.1 | 35 | 19.2 |
| Masturbated to Pictures of Children | 11 | 9.2 | 28 | 15.3 |
Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders reported a high level ofpornography use. Chi-square analyses demonstrated a significant differencebetween the offender groups with regard to use of pornographic material(X2 = 4.622, p <.05) with Aboriginal sex offenders more frequently reporting useof pornographic material than non-Aboriginal sex offenders (86% versus 79%).In investigating more specific viewing of and arousal to materials that depictimages that could be used to fuel inappropriate sexual thoughts, fantasies andarousal, some differences were noted. While there was no significant differencebetween Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders report of becoming sexuallyaroused to watching images of violence or rape (Aboriginal 24%, non-Aboriginal21%), there was when it came to becoming sexually aroused by images ofchildren. Non-Aboriginal offenders demonstrated a significantly greaterexperience of becoming sexually aroused while watching television shows,movies or images on the internet depicting children (X2 = 4.569, p <.05) than didAboriginal offenders (19% versus 10%). Non-Aboriginal offenders were alsomore likely to masturbate to pictures of children than were Aboriginal offenders(15% versus 9%). This interest and arousal is consistent with non-Aboriginaloffenders more frequently offending against child victims.
| Paraphilia | Offender | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Masturbated to Pictures of Children | 11 | 9.2 | 28 | 15.3 |
| Sexual Arousal While Watching Violence or Rape on TV/Movie/Internet | 28 | 23.5 | 38 | 20.8 |
| Sexual Arousal While Watching Children on TV/Movie/Internet | 12 | 10.1 | 35 | 19.2 |
| Obscene Phone Calls | 9 | 7.6 | 22 | 12.0 |
| Exhibitionism | 5 | 4.2 | 22 | 12.1 |
| Voyeurism | 28 | 23.3 | 62 | 33.9 |
| Bestiality | 4 | 3.4 | 12 | 6.6 |
| Frottage | 6 | 5.0 | 13 | 7.1 |
| Fetish | 15 | 12.6 | 30 | 16.4 |
| Dressed in Female’s Clothing | 3 | 2.5 | 14 | 7.7 |
| Stolen Women’s or Children’s Underwear/Clothing | 4 | 3.4 | 13 | 7.1 |
| Bondage | 7 | 5.9 | 34 | 18.7 |
| Sado Masochism | 12 | 10.1 | 22 | 12.0 |
| Sexual Sadism | 10 | 8.5 | 25 | 13.7 |
| Taken Pictures/Videos of Offending Behaviour | 5 | 4.2 | 13 | 7.1 |
| Masturbated to Thoughts of Sexually Related Homicide | 0 | 0.0 | 8 | 4.4 |
| Attempted to/Engaged in Necrophilia | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 |
Overall, non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to report paraphilias thanAboriginal offenders. They reported greater frequencies of all of the paraphiliasexplored with the exception of experience sexual arousal to images of violenceand rape, to which Aboriginal offenders reported a slightly higher, but nonstatisticallysignificant, experience (24% versus 21%). Chi-square analysesdemonstrated a significant difference between the offender groups with regard toengaging in exhibitionism (X2 = 5.480, p <.05), bondage(X2 = 10.018, p <.005) and masturbation to thoughts of a sexuallyrelated homicide (X2 = 5.374,p <.05). Non-Aboriginal offenderswere significantly more likely to engage inexhibitionism (12 versus 4%) and participatein more violent paraphilias such as bondage (19% versus 6%) and masturbation tothoughts of a sexually related homicide (4% versus 0%).
| Frequency | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Denial/Minimal | Some/High | Denial/Minimal | Some/High | |||||
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Sexual Thoughts/Fantasies Specific to Victim (Pre-) | 97 | 85.1 | 17 | 14.9 | 145 | 81.5 | 33 | 18.5 |
| Sexual Thoughts/Fantasies Specific to Victim (Post-) | 58 | 50.9 | 56 | 49.1 | 59 | 33.3 | 118 | 66.7 |
| Fantasies About Children (Pre-) | 57 | 86.4 | 9 | 13.6 | 109 | 84.5 | 20 | 15.5 |
| Fantasies About Children (Post-) | 40 | 60.6 | 26 | 39.4 | 70 | 53.4 | 61 | 46.6 |
| Fantasies About Sexual Violence (Pre-) | 78 | 89.7 | 9 | 10.3 | 99 | 86.1 | 16 | 13.9 |
| Fantasies About Sexual Violence (Post-) | 64 | 73.6 | 23 | 26.4 | 66 | 57.4 | 49 | 42.6 |
| Fantasies About Revenge/Non-sexual Violence (Pre-) | 78 | 87.6 | 11 | 12.4 | 87 | 81.3 | 20 | 18.7 |
| Fantasies About Revenge/Non-sexual Violence (Post-) | 46 | 51.7 | 43 | 48.3 | 47 | 44.3 | 59 | 55.7 |
Men were asked both pre and post treatment to describe their experience ofinappropriate sexual fantasies, including sexual images of their victim(s), aboutchildren, about sexual violence and about non-sexual violence. While nosignificant differences were noted between the two offender groups in their pretreatmentresponding, there were some significant differences in what appearedto be their more candid post-treatment responding. Non-Aboriginal offenderswere significantly more likely to report having maintained "some to a high"frequency of sexual thoughts/fantasies about their victims post-treatment(X2 = 8.877, p <.005) compared to Aboriginal offenders (67% versus 33%). Non-Aboriginal offenders were also more likely to report experiencing "some to a high"frequency of sexual thoughts/fantasies about sexual violence post-treatment(X2 = 5.647, p <.05), compared to Aboriginal offenders (43% versus 26%).These results are interesting in that while Aboriginal offenders are more likely tocommit a rape (see Table 24) and are more likely to physically assault a victim(see Table 34) during the commission of an offence, non-Aboriginal offendersreport more frequent sexual thoughts and fantasies about sexual aggression.
No significant differences were reported between the offender groups with regardto acknowledgement of sexual thoughts/fantasies about children or sexualthoughts/fantasies about revenge/non-sexual violence post-treatment. It ishowever interesting that a number of offenders did acknowledge the experienceof these fantasies post-treatment (fantasies about children - Aboriginal 39%, non-Aboriginal 47% and fantasies of non-sexual violence Aboriginal 48%, non-Aboriginal 56%).
In considering deviant sexual interests and examining the arousal profiles ofAboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders, the men in treatments were categorizedbased on their response profile during sexual preference testing conductedthrough penile plethysmography (PPG). This testing involved measuring thecircumferencial change in penile tuminesence during an arousal response to arange of visual and auditory stimuli depicting appropriate (adult, consenting) andinappropriate (child, coercion) images and narratives.
| Offender | Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | Total | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Non-responder | 23 | 19.0 | 37 | 20.3 | 60 | 19.8 |
| Adult Preference | 6 | 5.0 | 17 | 9.3 | 23 | 76 |
| Child + Adult Preference | 29 | 24.0 | 29 | 15.9 | 58 | 19.1 |
| Child Preference | 2 | 1.7 | 8 | 4.4 | 10 | 3.3 |
| Violent Sexual Assault Against a Child PreferenceRapist | 1 | 0.8 | 2 | 1.1 | 3 | 10 |
| Adult Consent + Rape Preference | 0 | 0.0 | 4 | 2.2 | 4 | 13 |
| Adult Rape Preference | 0 | 0.0 | 1 | 0.5 | 1 | 0.3 |
| Violent Sexual Assault Against Child + Adult Preference | 2 | 1.7 | 5 | 2.7 | 7 | 23 |
| Arousal to all stimuli | 18 | 14.9 | 28 | 15.4 | 46 | 15.2 |
| Refused | 0 | 0.0 | 3 | 1.6 | 3 | 10 |
| Not Completed | 40 | 33.1 | 48 | 26.4 | 88 | 29 |
A number of offenders did not complete the sexual arousal testing as theoffending behaviour that brought them into treatment and their offence history didnot suggest that this type of intrusive evaluation was warranted or would yieldmeaningful results (Aboriginal 33%, non-Aboriginal 26%). Of those tested, 20%were "Non-Responders", meaning that their overall level of arousal across thevarious stimulus presentations was too low for meaningful interpretation(Aboriginal 19%, non-Aboriginal 20%). The highest levels of arousal measuredwere in response to the categories of "Child+Adult" preference, in which theoffender demonstrated aroused to both cues of age appropriate adults as well asto children (Aboriginal 24%, non-Aboriginal 16%) and the "Arousal to All"category in which the offenders demonstrate a generalized arousal across all thestimulus presentations (Aboriginal 15%, non-Aboriginal 15%). Chi-squareanalyses demonstrated no significant differences with regard PPG resultsbetween Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders.
In considering treatment participation we were interested in a number of areas.From a practical perspective we wanted to determine the characteristics ofclients involvement in treatment (for example, location of treatment, duration oftreatment, type of treatment and previous participation in sex offender treatment).We were also of course interested in the effectiveness of treatment and in thisregard we looked at a range of issues including gains observed pre-posttreatment, treatment outcome (such as, completion rates) and finally recidivism.
We were interested in looking at where treatment was provided for two reasons.Firstly, we wanted to identify where the majority of referrals originate and wherethe bulk of treatment occurs. We also wanted to try and capture the continuumof care FBMC has developed over the years. In this regard, we have hadopportunity to develop and deliver treatment services at the two federalcorrectional institutions in Manitoba - Stony Mountain Institution (a mediumsecurityinstitution) and Rockwood Institution (a minimum-security institution). Aswell, the clinic has long provided community-based services in Winnipeg forCorrectional Service of Canada-Parole. Delivering services at each of thesesites has allowed us a unique opportunity to continue to provide care andcontinuity in treatment/healing services to an individual as they cascade to alower security institution and/or as make their way to the community uponrelease (Day Parole, Full Parole, Statutory Release and Warrant Expiry).
| Location | Offender | Total | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aboriginal | Non-Aboriginal | |||||
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Stony Mountain Institution Only | 10 | 8.3 | 17 | 9.3 | 27 | 8.9 |
| Stony Mountain Institution and Community | 7 | 5.8 | 8 | 4.4 | 15 | 5.0 |
| Stony Mountain Institution and Rockwood Institution | 2 | 1.7 | 3 | 1.6 | 5 | 1.7 |
| Stony Mountain Institution, Rockwood Institution and Community | 3 | 2.5 | 1 | 0.5 | 4 | 1.3 |
| Rockwood Institution Only | 1 | 0.8 | 4 | 2.2 | 5 | 1.7 |
| Rockwood Institution and Community | 43 | 35.5 | 47 | 25.8 | 90 | 29.7 |
| Community Only | 55 | 45.5 | 102 | 56.0 | 157 | 51.8 |
| Total | 121 | 100.0 | 182 | 100.0 | 303 | 100.0 |
The majority of the clients in treatment during the timeframe of the databasewere referred to the clinic for community based treatment (52%). This wasfollowed by beginning to provide treatment to men at Rockwood Institution, andthen following these men into the community and providing follow up communitybased treatment (30%). Treatment commenced for 17% of the men at StonyMountain Institution. These numbers likely reflect the timing of the FBMCdelivering services to the various sites. For example, in 1987 the clinic begandelivering community based treatment and it was not until early 1990 that weaccepted inmates from Rockwood Institution into the community group onEscorted Temporary Absences and the mid 1990s that FBMC began providingtreatment at Rockwood Institution, which further facilitated the transition to thecommunity program. The numbers are the lowest for the medium securityinstitution as it was not until the late 1990s that we began providing treatmentservices at Stony Mountain Institution.
It was interesting to look at continuum of care that is offered by FBMC and howthis allows for treatment to facilitate men to cascade from the medium to theminimum security institution to the community, or to commence treatment in oneof the institutions and participate in community based treatment upon release, allthe while maintaining involvement the same treatment team. Overall, 38% of themen who were in treatment with FBMC were able to take advantage of thiscontinuum of care. This is quite a considerable number considering that for thefirst 5 years of the clinics operation (1987-1991) the clinic only providedtreatment services in the community (accounting for why community only is thehighest category, 52%). No significant differences were found between theoffender groups with regard to location of treatment with FBMC (X2 = 7.138, ns).
As well, no significant difference was found between the offender groups withregard to mean total time (months) in treatment with FBMC. Aboriginal men hada mean total time of 14.6 months in treatment and non-Aboriginal men had a meantotal time of 16.0 months (t293 = -1.515, ns).
| ASOT Within Institution | ASOT Upon Release | Contact with Aboriginal Elder Within Institution | Contact with Aboriginal Elder Upon Release | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % |
| 34 | 30.1 | 24 | 21.6 | 44 | 38.9 | 18 | 16.1 |
Over the years FBMC has developed and delivered sex offender programmingthat attends to cultural issues and ways of healing for Aboriginal men. The waysin which this programming has been delivered has varied over the years and is acontinually evolving process. While the clinics blended traditionalhealing/contemporary treatment Aboriginal sex offender programming has variedlargely based on the clinic gaining more experience and the training of Aboriginalspiritual helpers to work with sexual offender specific issues, it has also varied asa function of the site that treatment is delivered. Based on the institutionalenvironment, different programming is available at Stony Mountain Institution,compared to Rockwood Institution, compared to the community.
Not all Aboriginal offenders participate in the clinics blended traditionalhealing/contemporary treatment program which is facilitated by spiritual helpers(for example, Elders, pipe-carriers, Aboriginal therapists) and incorporatestraditional teachings, ceremonies and processes. It is up to the offender tochoose whether or not they wish to participate in this stream of programming orattend the cognitive-behavioral, relapse prevention sex offender programming.During the time frame of the database 30% of the Aboriginal men chose toparticipate in blended traditional healing/contemporary treatment programmingoffered within the federal correctional institutions, compared to 22% whoparticipated in this programming in the community. It is suspected that a reviewof the treatment cases to date would reveal a higher number participating in thiscommunity program, as it has become increasingly sought out by Aboriginaloffenders over the last few years.
Within correctional institutions, as part of, and separate from, the clinics blendedtraditional healing/contemporary treatment program, men have the ability toconnect with Elders for counselling, support and ceremony. Interestingly, andunfortunately contact with Elders was seen to decrease at the point at whichAboriginal men were released to the community. Of the Aboriginal men whoattended treatment with the clinic 39% sought out Elders while incarceratedcompared to only 16% once released. Again it is suggested that this numberwould likely be higher today given the increased involvement of Aboriginal men inthe blended traditional healing/contemporary treatment program.
| Offender | Participation Prior to Current Offence | |
|---|---|---|
| n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 9 | 7.4 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 18 | 9.8 |
| Total | 27 | 8.9 |
We were interested to know how many offenders who attended treatment atFBMC had previously participated in sex offender specific treatment. Only 9% ofthe men had prior sex offender specific treatment, which meant that FBMC wasthe first treatment experience for 91% of the men. Chi-square analysesdemonstrated no significant difference between the offender groups with regardto participation in sex offender treatment prior to the current offence (X2 = .518,ns).
In an initial attempt to explore treatment gains we investigated changes in the mens level of self-disclosure and accountability from pre-to-post-treatment.Therapist ratings, based on a combination of a review of pre and post treatmentself-report measures and clinical observation and judgment, were used toevaluate changes over the course of treatment. Areas considered included levelof responsibility, recollection of details of offending, level of minimization ofaspects of offending (for example, intrusiveness, frequency and duration, level offorce) and degree of remorse and empathy.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| High Responsibility | High Responsibility | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 14 | 15.7 | 70 | 78.7 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 28 | 19.7 | 127 | 80.9 |
Prior to commencing treatment, both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenderswere rated as low in regards to assuming responsibility for their offendingbehaviour (16% and 20%, respectively). Chi-square analyses demonstrated nosignificant difference between the offender groups with regard to acceptance ofresponsibility post-treatment (X2 = .585, ns and X2 = .179, ns, respectively).Both groups were rated as substantially increasing their level of responsibility fortheir offending post-treatment with 79% of Aboriginal men and 81% of non-Aboriginal men being identified as assuming a high level of responsibility.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Quite a Bit / A Great Deal | Quite a Bit / A Great Deal | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 4 | 3.7 | 1 | 0.9 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 13 | 8.0 | 1 | 0.6 |
Memory deficits and poor recollection of details are sometimes used as a meansof avoiding culpability and self-disclosure. Only a small number of men (4%Aboriginal, 8% non-Aboriginal) indicated that their memory was quite a bit orgreatly affected by the amount of time that had passed since their offending.Chi-square analyses demonstrated no significant difference between the offendergroups with regard to offender memory being affected by length of time sinceoffending, as rated by therapists, for pre- versus post-treatment (X2 = 1.966, nsand X2 = .079, ns, respectively). Both groups demonstrated an increased levelof recollection from pre- to post-treatment.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Quite a Bit / A Great Deal | Quite a Bit / A Great Deal | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 48 | 51.1 | 13 | 12.7 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 22 | 13.6 | 4 | 2.3 |
Claiming a lack of recall as a result of substance use/abuse was much morecommon, with 51% of Aboriginal and 14% of non-Aboriginal offenders initiallyindicating that they were unable to recall the details of their offending due to theiruse/abuse of substances. Chi-square analyses demonstrated a significantdifference between the offender groups with regard to memory being affected byalcohol or drug use pre- versus post-treatment (X2 = 42.068, p <.001 andX2 = 12.043, p < .005, respectively) as rated by therapists with Aboriginal mendemonstrating significantly greater memory deficits related to alcohol use/abuse.What is most interesting was that both groups demonstrated a dramatic increasein their level of recollection from pre- to post-treatment, particularly the Aboriginalmen. Aboriginal men moved from 51% rated as having memory deficits due tosubstance abuse to only 13% post-treatment. Non-Aboriginal men moved from14% claiming such memory deficits to 2%. This finding seems to indicate thattypically the claim of alcohol blackout or lack of recall du to substance use/abuseis more commonly a defence mechanism rather than a legitimate memory deficit.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Low/Little or No Minimization | Low/Little or No Minimization | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 15 | 16.3 | 71 | 78.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 23 | 16.0 | 122 | 80.8 |
Prior to treatment it is common for sexual offenders to minimize the level ofintrusiveness of the sexual offending behaviour as a means of presentingthemselves in a favourable light, minimizing the seriousness of their offendingand distorting reality to minimize their own sense of guilt and shame. This wascertainly the case with the men in treatment at FBMC as only 16% were rated asevidencing a low level or little or no minimization of the intrusiveness of theiroffending pre-treatment. Chi-square analyses demonstrated no significantdifferences between the offender groups with regard to minimization of offendingbehaviour pre- versus post-treatment (X2 = .005, ns and X2 = .270, ns,respectively) as rated by therapists. Both groups demonstrated a considerabledecrease in their level of minimization post-treatment, with 78% of Aboriginalmen and 81% of non-Aboriginal men being rated as evidencing a low level orlittle or no minimization of the intrusiveness of their offending post-treatment.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Low/Little or No Minimization | Low/Little or No Minimization | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 36 | 42.4 | 87 | 86.1 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 46 | 32.4 | 131 | 85.1 |
A number of offenders also minimized the frequency and duration of their sexualoffending behaviour prior to treatment, with 42% of Aboriginal men and 32% non-Aboriginal men being rated as demonstrating low or little or no minimization inthis area pre-treatment. Chi-square analyses demonstrated no significantdifference between the offender groups with regard to minimizing the extent oftheir offending behaviour pre- versus post-treatment (X2 = 2.285, ns andX2 = .057, ns, respectively) as rated by therapists. Both groups demonstrate areduction in minimization from pre-to post-treatment. Eighty-six percent ofAboriginal men and 85% of non-Aboriginal men were rated as demonstrating lowor little or no minimization of the frequency and duration of their offending posttreatment.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Low/Little or No Minimization | Low/Little or No Minimization | |||
| n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 11 | 12.9 | 51 | 68.9 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 13 | 11.7 | 73 | 68.9 |
A high percentage of offenders minimized the level of force involved in theiroffending prior to treatment. Only 13% of Aboriginal men and 12% of non-Aboriginal men were rated as demonstrating low or little or no minimization offorce pre-treatment. Chi-square analyses demonstrated no significant differencebetween the offender groups with regard to minimization of level of force inoffending behaviour pre-versus post-treatment (X2 = .068, nsand X2 = .000, ns, respectively) as rated by therapists.Both groups demonstrate a reduction in minimization from pre-to post-treatmentwith 69% of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men rated as demonstrating lowor little of no minimization of force post-treatment.
| Offender | Pre-Treatment | Post-Treatment | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Remorse Shows Remorse |
Empathy Shows Empathy |
Remorse Shows Remorse |
Empathy Shows Empathy |
|||||
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 85 | 71.4 | 38 | 31.9 | 121 | 67.2 | 110 | 61.5 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 13 | 11.1 | 5 | 3.5 | 73 | 57.9 | 58 | 47.5 |
Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders were rated as showing limited remorse for their offending behaviour (16% and 11%) and empathy for theirvictim(s) (2% and 4%) pre-treatment. Chi-square analyses demonstrated nosignificant difference between the offender groups with regard to feelings ofremorse (X2 = 1.148, ns and X2 = 0.003, ns, respectively) and empathy preversuspost-treatment (X2 = 0.398, ns and X2 = 0.084, ns, respectively) as ratedby therapists. Both groups demonstrate an increase in their experience ofremorse with 58% of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men being rated asshowing a high level of remorse and 45% of Aboriginal and 48% of non-Aboriginal men being rated as showing a high level of empathy and posttreatment.
In looking at treatment completion we were interested in the percentage of menwho completed treatment as well as looking at those who did not complete andthe reasons why. We were also interested in how the introduction of Aboriginalspecific programming effected completion/retention rates. Finally, we wereinterested in looking at how many offenders stay connected with the clinic aftertheir mandate to attend (for example, parole or probation period) was completed.
| Offender | Completed | Terminated | Dropped Out | Suspended | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal | 72 | 59.5 | 10 | 8.3 | 15 | 12.4 | 17 | 14.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal | 137 | 74.9 | 15 | 8.2 | 10 | 5.5 | 8 | 4.4 |
The majority of men appeared to complete the treatment program. However,there was a significant difference between the offender groups with regard totreatment status (X2 = 17.101, p <.005) with a larger percentage of non-Aboriginal than Aboriginal men completing treatment (75% versus 60%), a largernumber of Aboriginal men dropping out of treatment (12% versus 6%), and alarger number of Aboriginal men being suspended (14% versus 4%).
| Offender | Completed | Terminated | Dropped Out | Suspended | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal Specific | 20 | 83.3 | 0 | 0.0 | 0 | 0.0 | 3 | 12.5 |
| Non-Aboriginal Specific | 48 | 55.2 | 7 | 8.0 | 14 | 16.1 | 14 | 16.1 |
It was in response to the findings identified in Table 50 that the clinic sought outguidance and involvement of Native spiritual Elders to assist us in providingprogramming that would be more engaging and meaningful to Aboriginaloffenders. It was hoped that a blending of contemporary sex offender treatmentstrategies and traditional healing approaches would reduce the number of menwho did not complete the treatment process. Although a chi-square analyses didnot demonstrate a significant difference between the completion rates forAboriginal men participating in the Aboriginal specific blended traditionalhealing/contemporary treatment program compared to those participating in thecognitive-behavioral treatment program (X2 = 9.506, ns) there were noteworthydifferences. Aboriginal men in the blended program had substantially highercompletion rates than Aboriginal men in the cognitive-behavioral program (83%versus 55%). As well, Aboriginal men in the blended program had lower rates oftermination (0% versus 8%), drop out (0% versus 16%) and suspension (13%versus 16%). This seems to suggest that this approach has had some successin retaining Aboriginal men in the treatment/healing process.
| Offender | Yes | No | Total | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal Specific | 42 | 42.0 | 58 | 58.0 | 100 | 100.0 |
| Non-Aboriginal Specific | 80 | 59.7 | 54 | 40.3 | 134 | 100 |
| Total | 122 | 52.1 | 112 | 47.9 | 234 | 100 |
When considering the overall treatment group, a greater number of non-Aboriginal men continued to participate in treatment compared to Aboriginal men(60% versus 42%). Chi-square analyses demonstrated a significant differencebetween the offender groups with regard to treatment status (X2 = 7.191, p <.05)with more non-Aboriginal men continuing to attend treatment after warrant expiry.However, this number increased when we considered the retention rate of clientspost mandate for culturally relevant programming.
| Program | Yes | No | Total | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| Aboriginal Specific | 13 | 59 | 9 | 41 | 22 | 100 |
| Non-Aboriginal Specific | 30 | 39 | 47 | 61 | 77 | 100 |
Aboriginal men participating in the Aboriginal specific program were more likely to maintain their involvement in treatment after the legal mandate to participatehad expired, compared to Aboriginal men participating in the cognitive-behavioralsex offender treatment stream (59% versus 39%). While a larger percentage ofAboriginal specific participants continued to attend treatment post warrant expirythan did Non-Aboriginal specific participants, chi-square analyses demonstratedno significant difference between the treatment programs with regard tocontinuing to attend treatment post warrant expiry (X2 = 4.288, ns).

In reviewing recidivism data, no significant difference was found between the recidivism rate between Aboriginal (8.1%) and non-Aboriginal men (3.1%) who participated in treatment at the FBMC, z = -1.914, p = .06. However, a significant difference was determined between the FBMC treated client group (n = 282) and a matched (on age of first conviction, date of index offence, age at index offence, number of convictions before index offence and number of sexual offences prior to index offence) comparison group (n=196) with regard to sexual offence reconviction, z = 6.094, p <.0001, with the FBMC clients demonstrating a significantly lower re-occurrence of sexual offending behaviour post treatment than the comparison group.
This project sought to explore the profiles of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal menwho participated in treatment at FBMC between 1987-1999 and to identifydifferences that may have implications for evolving our understanding of, andassessment and treatment protocols for, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men whoengage in sexual offending behaviour. While there were many similaritiesbetween the two offender groups, we found there to be interesting differences inprofiles of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders that warrant considerationand attention.
Of the 303 sex offenders cases reviewed, 40% of clients were Aboriginal(including North American Indian, Métis and Inuit) while, 60% were non-Aboriginal. The indigenous people groups were collapsed into the Aboriginalcategory as the numbers of Métis (n = 21, 7%) and Inuit offenders (n = 1, 0.3%)were not sufficient to analyze in separate categories. The majority of Aboriginaloffenders in our sample spoke English as their first language. The most commonAboriginal first language among our client group was Cree. The majority of theAboriginal offenders in our sample were raised on reserve communities, howevermost relocated to urban centres. Only a very small percentage of the Aboriginaloffenders in our sample identified growing up learning/experiencing traditionalAboriginal culture, teachings and ceremonies as a part of their life. Few of theAboriginal men in our sample attended residential schools, likely as the majoritywere too young to have had this experience. Those that did attend reported highlevels of physical, emotional and sexual abuse.
Both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men in our sample experienced difficultand traumatic experiences in their developmental years. In exploring the mensformative years, the largest percentage of offenders reported being raised byboth of their parents. Aboriginal offenders, however, were more likely then non-Aboriginal offenders to have been raised by extended family members and toreport the experience of parental separation or abandonment. Aboriginaloffenders were also more likely to have experienced the tragic loss of a familymember through both suicide and murder. Aboriginal offenders were seen tohave more pronounced histories of exposure to abuse in their developmentalyears than non-Aboriginal offenders. The Aboriginal men were more likely tohave family members who abused substances and who had criminal histories.They were also more likely to have had knowledge of, or witnessed, domesticabuse and inappropriate sexual boundaries in their formative years. While bothAboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders reported having experienced a highdegree of physical and emotional abuse, the Aboriginal men were more likely tohave described having experienced neglect and sexual abuse.
In considering areas related to social coping and adjustment, the Aboriginal menwere much more likely to have a history of abusing substances (alcohol, drugsand solvents). The Aboriginal men were also more disadvantaged in terms oftheir level of formal education and employment history compared to the non-Aboriginal men.
There were no significant differences in the number of young offender or adultconvictions incurred by the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men. Somedifferences were noted with regard to self-disclosed offences for which the menhad never been charged. The Aboriginal men self-disclosed having committedmore violent offences both as young offenders and as adults, for which they werenot charged, compared to the non-Aboriginal men. The non-Aboriginal men onthe other hand reported having committed more sexual offences, as adults, forwhich they had not been charged for compared to the Aboriginal men.
There were some interesting differences between the two groups in regards tothe characteristics and pattern of their offending behaviour. The Aboriginalsexual offenders tended to more frequently be perpetrators of rape than anyother sex offence while non-Aboriginal sexual offenders were more likely thanAboriginal offenders to be perpetrators of sexual offences against children (moreoften having infant, pre-pubescent and pubescent age victims), particularlyincest. Consistent with this, the Aboriginal offenders were more likely to offendagainst female victims whereas non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely tovictimize both males and females. The offenders tended to offend againstvictims of the same race with Aboriginal offenders more often offending againstAboriginal victims and non-Aboriginal offenders more often offending againstnon-Aboriginal victims. The non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely than theAboriginal offenders to have victims of various ethnic backgrounds. While therewere few differences between the two groups in regards to their relationshipwith/to their victim(s), one notable difference was that non-Aboriginal offenderswere more likely to offend against victims with whom they held a non-familial roleof trust and authority (such as, physician, religious leader, teacher, coach). Afinal difference between the two groups in regards to the profiles of their victimswas that the victims of Aboriginal offenders were more likely to have abusedalcohol or both alcohol and drugs at the time of the offence then were the victimsof non-Aboriginal offenders.
Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders maintained a high degree ofcognitive distortions, which minimized the seriousness of their offendingbehaviour and their level of responsibility prior to treatment. The only distortionin which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders differed was that Aboriginaloffenders were more likely to endorse the belief that their offence would not haveoccurred had they not been intoxicated. Both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginalmen demonstrated the ability to challenge their cognitive distortions over thecourse of treatment and enhance their level of accountability.
Differences were noted between the means of accessing victims betweenAboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. Aboriginal offenders were more likely toidentify their planning/grooming process as including giving their victims alcoholor drugs in order to facilitate offending. In contrast, non-Aboriginal offenderswere more likely to give their victims gifts and show them pornography. Non-Aboriginal offenders were more likely to identify themselves as tricking ormanipulating the victim in order to gain sexual access.
While there were no differences between the two groups in regards to the use ofthreats during the commission of a sexual offence, Aboriginal offenders weremore likely to physically assault their victim during the course of a sexual offence.
The non-Aboriginal sexual offenders tended to demonstrate more sexuallydeviant interests than the Aboriginal offenders. Non-Aboriginal offenders weremore likely to report having maintained sexual thoughts and fantasies about theirvictims and of images of sexual violence. They were also significantly more likelyto masturbate to pictures of children. The non-Aboriginal offenders also weremore likely to report paraphilias other than their sexual offending behaviour (forexample, exhibitionism, bondage and sexual sadism). Despite these noteddifferences, no significant differences were found in the sexual preferenceprofiles of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal sexual offenders as determined throughphallometric testing.
Therapist rates revealed few differences between the treatment progress ofAboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders. Both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginalmen were viewed as making positive and substantial gains in their level of selfdisclosure,accountability and insight.
While treatment completion rates were higher for non-Aboriginal offenders priorto the advent of the FBMCs blended traditional healing/contemporary treatmentprogram for Aboriginal sexual offenders, the difference in completion ratesdisappeared once culturally relevant and appropriate programming becameavailable. A high number of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenderscontinued to attend treatment at FBMC after the mandate to attend was nolonger in place (such as, at the expiry date of their sentence). After theimplementation of the Blended group for Aboriginal offenders, the number ofAboriginal offenders who maintained their involvement with the clinic after theend of their mandate increased further. Finally, no significant differences werefound in the sexual recidivism rate of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders inthe FBMC program. However, both groups demonstrated a significantly lowerrecidivism rate than that of a matched comparison group.
From this project we have learned that there is a need to better attend toAboriginal specific characteristics in the evaluation of Aboriginal offenders. Tothis end, a more thorough exploration of racial identity and background, exposureto Aboriginal language and culture, level of assimilation and the potential impactof residential school, particularly on second generation family members, shouldbe considered and integrated into offender assessments. Further focus onattachment styles, substance abuse and anger and aggression may also bebeneficial in the evaluation of Aboriginal sexual offenders. It will also beimportant, as sample size allows, to investigate the differences within theAboriginal groups to identify unique characteristics that may be found amongAboriginal, Métis and Inuit offenders.
It is suggested that the findings of this research project provide noteworthyinformation for consideration in establishing treatment targets for the treatment ofAboriginal sexual offenders. It is suggested that the data provide a strongargument for the importance of addressing family of origin and developmentalexperiences among Aboriginal offenders. Attending to issues such as loss,abandonment, grief, abuse and attachment issues may be significant to facilitatewellness and risk management. It is also suggested that it will be imperative forprogramming to support offenders, particularly Aboriginal men, to find ways ofrelating with their family members in a healthy way. It may be the case that notassisting them to manage these relationships, should family still be functioning inan unhealthy way, may contribute to them being drawn back into familydysfunction and challenge the healthy coping skills they have worked on inprograms and in treatment. Assisting Aboriginal offenders to develop healthysocial support networks (including and beyond family) also seems to be animportant area for treatment programming.
The data also suggest that life skills are a relevant area for intervention amongmany Aboriginal offenders. Programming directed as enhancing education andemployability seem critical. As well, given the number of offenders who relocateto an urban environment, the development of skills, to assist those who requirethem, to live in a functional manner within a larger urban centre would seem tobe a very pragmatic and beneficial focus of treatment.
Within sexual offender treatment for Aboriginal men a heavy focus on substanceabuse and on anger and violence appears key. These factors seem primary andareas of intervention that require further attention than perhaps deviant sexualinterests. As previously noted, attention to abuse issues and abandonment maysupport this area of work. The data also suggest that attention to the area ofinappropriate sexual boundaries and clarifying appropriate boundaries should beincorporated into treatment for Aboriginal sexual offenders.
Finally, although few Aboriginal offenders were raised with Aboriginal language,culture, teachings and ceremonies, it appears that these core aspects ofAboriginal identity are critical to the healing process. The opportunity toparticipate in programs that will introduce Aboriginal culture to Aboriginaloffenders or allow offenders involved in their culture to continue to develop theirunderstanding and practice seems very important. It also appears that the abilityto facilitate Aboriginal men in acquiring skills to manage their risk to sexually reoffendis heightened by a cultural approach as this appears more engaging andmore offenders are able to successfully complete the treatment/healing process.
For Pre-Cognitive Distortions scores count some and strong endorsements as 1
and did not endorse as a 0.
| 70A. Auditory | 70B. Slide | 70C. Movie |
|---|---|---|
| A1. Non responder | B1. Non responder | C1. Non responder |
| A2. Adult | B2. Adult | C2. Adult |
| A3. Child and adult | B3. Child and adult | C3. Child and adult |
| A4. Child | B4. Child | C4. Child |
| A5. Child and coercion against children | B5. Child and coercion against children | C5. Child and coercion against children |
| A6. Adult coercion and consent | B6. Adult coercion and consent | C6. Adult coercion and consent |
| A7. Adult coercion | B7. Adult coercion | C7. Adult coercion |
| A8. Child and adult coercion | B8. Child and adult coercion | C8. Child and adult coercion |
| A9. Arousal to all stimuli | B9. Arousal to all stimuli | C9. Arousal to all stimuli |
| A10. Refused | B10. Refused | C10. Refused |
| A11. Not completed | B11. Not completed | C11. Not completed |